When they are going to hold these special ceremonies there may be only one or two, or several, of these sacred objects brought on to the ceremonial ground, which is most carefully placed and, if necessary, as in the one we saw, closed in with bushes. At one of these ceremonies, after the men have brought in their sacred sticks and stories, each one being in the charge of some special individual, they are placed on the ground to one side of the enclosed space. If there are any men present who have not seen them before, but are judged to be old enough to do so, an old man, such as Narlinda, says, Koregora

{p. 186}

Muraian, kaiano jeri, balera, yadimma najei kubari kudanuji korto, that is, "Look, these are Muraian, do not quarrel or, by and by, all your fingers will swell up." The performance itself is a very curious one and the men become very excited. The illustrations (Plates III, IV, V, VI and VII) will give some idea of what the objects themselves are like. When we saw it enacted, two of the men stood to one side, one clanging sticks, the other clapping his hands. First of all a stick representing a fish, called Jimidauappa, was brought in by a man to whom it belonged. Followed by the other men, he came from behind some bushes, creeping along with the sticks in his hands. On the ground he stood in the middle, all the other men circling round and round him, while he pointed the stick at each of them. At first they sang the words

and, after dancing for some time, they all extended their arms towards the stick, time after time, drawing them back rapidly and yelling, Brau, brau, which means, Give, give. They were supposed to be demanding a plentiful supply of the fish Jimidauappa.

Finally, the man fixed the stick upright in the ground and they all danced round and round, pretending to rub their hands up and down it, after which they rubbed themselves. Then they retired behind the bushes. After a short time they came on again, this time bringing several sticks (Figures 47, 48) and, in addition, rushing round the other men who stood to one side. One after another the sticks were fixed upright in the ground until there were some twenty or more sticks and stones there. At one stage, when only a few had been brought in, a special one--the Muraian itself--was produced. The man carrying it tumbled down on the ground and was

{p. 187}

followed by the others and they all wriggled and rolled about in the most grotesque fashion (Fig. 49). The Muraian was in the form of a slightly curved slab of wood, with the representation of a head at one end (Plate IV., Fig. 1), a very short tall at the other, and two little projections at each side, representing limbs. It was supposed to be a turtle, to which it certainly showed considerable resemblance, quite enough to be recognisable, and the rolling about of the men was supposed to be an imitation of the movements of the animal itself.

When all the sticks and stones, many of them elaborately decorated, some representing yams with strings of gaily coloured cockatoo feathers wound round them, had been brought on to the ground, they were arranged in a circle and the men danced round and round them with their arms alternately extended and drawn back, while they yelled, Brau brau, that is, "Give, give." It was, as the natives told us, a request, in fact, a demand, to the sacred representatives of the various animals and plants to provide them with these same animals and plants that form their food supply.

Amongst the native tribes of Central Australia I have seen what Mr. Gillen and myself have called the Intichiuma ceremonies. These are performed by the men of different totemic groups, with the idea of increasing the number of the animals and plants with which the ceremonies are concerned, but, in the Central tribes, it is only the men of any one totemic group who Perform the ceremony associated with it, and there is no such thing as any definite request or demand. The mere performance of the ceremony is supposed to bring about the desired result. In the Kakadu tribe, and the same is true of other tribes associated with it, the

{p. 188}

members of different totemic groups join together and, though it is difficult to express, accurately, the difference between the two forms of ceremonies, both of which have the same object in view, that is, the increase of the food supply, it may be said that the Central tribes do not make anything in the way of a personal appeal to any object which is supposed to represent an animal or plant, whereas, amongst the Kakadu, this is most evident. The men of the latter tribe very clearly showed, by their insistent and fierce cry of Brau, brau, "Give, give," that they were directly asking, even demanding, the representatives of the various animals and plants to provide them with food. Amongst the many ceremonies of this kind that I have seen performed by Australian aboriginals, none have impressed me more than these, as indicating that savage man believes that he is able to control his food supply by means of magic. The way in which the men danced round the ceremonial objects, or rolled over on the ground holding them in their hands, was most suggestive of the idea that, by doing so, they brought about some close connection between themselves and the totemic animals or plants represented by the sacred sticks and stones. All that the men could tell us was that their old ancestors had always performed these ceremonies and that, after they had done so, the animals and plants had always multiplied.

Altogether we saw about seventy of these sacred stones and sticks which, above all things possessed by the Kakadu and surrounding tribes, are pre-eminently Kumali or sacred. They brought just a few at a time to show us, taking the most elaborate precautions lest any woman or child, or even any young man, was in sight. Before they brought them in, they halted under the shelter of bushes and reconnoitred the place to

{p. 189}

make quite sure that they were safe and that no women were within sight. When a man saw us he would put a finger up to his nose, the sign that they had something Kumali. Then, when they were satisfied that everything was secure, they brought them in, wrapped up in fold after fold of paper bark. Whilst showing them to us they only spoke in whispers and, so real was it to them, that we, without thinking about it, felt compelled to do the same.

They told us that the first of these Muraian objects was found, very long ago, by an old ancestor called Kulbaran. He saw something strange in the form of a turtle moving about in the water, caught it and discovered that it was Muraian, or rather the turtle told him so. The turtle then described the ceremonies and taught Kulbaran how to perform them and how to make the sacred sticks and stones. He told Kulbaran that they were all kumali widjeru, that is very sacred or kumali. He also told him that the old men might eat the Muraian animals but that the young men must not do so.

Kulbaran, when first he saw the Muraian, said, Ngeinyimma ameina? which means, "What is your name?" or "Who are you?" The Muraian replied, Ngainma Muraian, "I am Muraian"; Ngainma jerapo mubilabilia balera, "I dance corrobboree later on," and then he danced, lifting up his legs and arms and singing, Yai, Yai, as he did so. The old man Kulbaran said, onje mubilabilla yama, "which way another dance," or, "Is there any other dance?" and Muraian showed him some more. Then he said that all the dances that he showed Kulbaran were kumali; Jimmidauappa (a fish) kumali; Banjil (a fish) kumali; Kurnembo iwaiji (Goose egg) kumali, and so on, through the whole series.

The stones that we saw were representatives of the

{p. 190}

following:--Gunumaramilla (a yam); Kopereipi iwaiji (Emu egg); Kulijidbo (a yam); Kulori (a yarn); Kudjalinga (turtle); Kudjalinga iwaiji (turkey egg); Idabarabara; Jimeribunna (native companion); Purijiliji and Worki (lily root); Kopereipi (Emu); Eribinjori (large crocodile); Eribinjori iwaiji (crocodile eggs); Alberjiji (whistling duck); Mundebendo (Brush turkey); Kunjeama (plum); Kulekuli (Cat fish).

The sticks were representatives of the following

Kimberikara (Barramunda) Munburungun; Kulekuli (Cat fish); Tjunara (a yam) Jimidauappa (small fish); Eribinjori (large crocodile) Numereji (a snake); Murlappa (a yam); Brutpenniweir (Jabiru); Jungoan (snake); Kudjalinga (turtle); Mundebenbo (Brush turkey); Murlappa (a yam); Minjiweya (a yam); Banjil (a fish); Bararil (a small fish); Kimberikara (Barramundi).

In the case of both the stones and sticks there were, in many of them, several representatives of the same totemic animals and plants and also distinct stones and sticks representing males, females, and eggs of the same animals.

The stones of course can be passed on from one generation to another, but the sticks are naturally liable to decay and are renewed from time to time. In a climate such as that of the Alligator River district, it is difficult to preserve, intact, sticks that are continually being greased and painted and are hidden away, wrapped up in paper bark, in damp places, such as those in which the natives secrete them. They are very liable to be attacked by insects, such as boring beetles, and they must be periodically replaced by new ones. When they are used during any ceremony, such as the one we witnessed, the design is more or less rubbed off and, on each occasion,

{p. 191}

it is repainted. The same design is always used and must not apparently be varied. We several times saw serious consultations taking place amongst the old men as to the drawing of the design on a stick or stone. The white lines are put on with a very crude but effective paint brush, consisting simply of a little twig, about six inches long, one end of which is frayed with the teeth and then flattened out to form a small, thin disc about the size of a sixpenny bit. This is dipped into the white pipe clay which has been moistened with water so as to form a thin paste. It is held between the thumb and fingers, the handle of the brush lying in the palm of the hand in just the same way in which a white artist often holds a brush.

In addition to its function as an Intichiuma ceremony, the Muraian serves, just as the Engwura does amongst the Arunta tribe, as a finale to the initiation ceremonies, daring which older men are shown objects that, in many cases, they have never and, in some, but rarely seen. The same is true of the Engwura, when a series of ceremonies, with men wearing decorations and using ceremonial objects, such as Nurtungas and Waningas, are shown to the relatively younger men. The ceremony is supposed, in both cases, to make the men 'good,' using the word in its native sense; they must not growl or quarrel. After a man has passed through, or. rather, witnessed, the Muraian, he receives the special status name of Lekerungen, just as, in the Arunta, the men who have seen the Engwura are called Urliara. It also serves to enhance the importance of the old men and is of service to them in regard to their food supply because, whilst they can eat any of the animals or plants associated with the ceremony, no matter by whom they are captured, the younger men, even when they have seen the Muraian,

{p. 192}

must not touch anything secured by the old men and must also give the latter a share of any of the Muraian foods that they secure. Also, for some reason that the natives do not know, save that their arms and hands would become very sore if the rule were not carefully followed, the men who have seen the Muraian must, on no account, allow a dog to eat any remnant of their food,

I have previously referred to the handing down of the sacred stones and sticks. Two examples will serve to show how carefully their history is preserved. I n the case of the Emu-egg stone, tradition reports that it has been, in succession, in the possession of the following men: (1) Nauundel, who originally found it, (2) Nortmanitj, (3) Pwenguno, (5) Butja, (5) Nanilmango, (6) Nuburungillimaka, (7) Kingunaiya, (8) Yerimain, and (9) Narlinda, who now owns it.

In the case of an Eribinjori, or crocodile, stick, which the natives regarded as one of the most important, the history is still longer. It was owned in the first place by Kulbaran, who, when he became very old and unable to perform the ceremonies, gave it to (2) Midjail, his younger brother, after whom the following successively received it: (3) Numinbal, (4) Ungoreddi, (5) Alumbawerner, (6) Amunjureri, (7) Bulluoko, (8) Abringillimaka, (9) Ungowilla, (10) Nauukmawitch, (11) Pwenguno, (12) Pordjo, (13) Nauulmango, (14) Kingmanaia, (15) Kerauappa, (16) Naumarak, (17) Mantjiritj, (18) Yiraman, who died recently, and from whom it descended to (19) Miniamaka, its present holder.

In the Warrai tribe the name for totem is mumulbuk. They are divided amongst the classes. One group is associated with the two classes Ajumbitj-Appularan, the other with Appungerti-Auinmitj. Thus Ajumbitj-Appularan have the following, Bulta (eagle-hawk),

{p. 193}

Kinnimill (a yam), Gunbelli (small crocodile), Norquipito (red ochre), Bulp (pipe clay), Doito (stone axe), Deiurnu (kangaroo), Wairdmo (fire stick), Jin (leech), Gunnigunni (flying fox). Appungerti-Auinmitj have Murdukul (a fish), Yilli (swamp lily), Tji (a snake), Wit (water), Bera (large crocodile), Kuala (turtle), Niri (dog), Gani (night time), Wordjal (black plover), Ngurin (emu).

It will be noticed that there are, relatively, a large number of totemic groups associated with objects other than animals and plants, a feature in which this and other of the central tribes differ from the coastal tribes amongst whom, with very rare exceptions, the totemic names are those of edible objects.

Inasmuch as the totemic groups are divided between the two moieties of the tribe and a man must marry a woman who does not belong to his own moiety, it follows that the totemic groups are exogamic. The child belongs to a totemic group associated with its father's side of the tribe but not to his father's own totemic group. My informant told me that a leech man marries a fish woman and that their children are yam. A fish man marries a flying-fox woman and their children are leech. A flying-fox man marries a fish woman and their children are crocodile. A crocodile man marries a snake woman and their children are flying-fox. Unfortunately, I was unable to gain as complete and minute information as I should have liked. The Warrai tribe is now decadent, having been ruined by coming into contact With the mining fields, and it is always unsafe to rely implicitly upon information in regard to matters concerned with the organisation of a tribe derived from natives who are thus, more or less, demoralised. Dr. Howitt drew attention to the manner in which tribes had been obliged to modify their old customs in regard

{p. 194}

especially to marriage, in consequence of the decimation of their numbers. My informant, called Plainmur by the natives and "Doctor" by the white men, in reference to his former profession, was, however, an old man who was well acquainted with the ancient customs of his tribe, I also had the assistance of a peculiarly intelligent "boy" who spoke English well, so that, I think, the information, so far as it goes, is correct. When their old customs were in force the old man said that the Warrai people never killed their own totemic animal and that if he were to see anyone else killing it he would he angry and would ask him, Why have you killed my mumulbuk?

In the Waduman tribe the word for totem is Gwaiyan, though some natives pronounce it as if it were spelt Quoiyin or Quoiyan. The following is a list of totemic groups in this tribe. Mudbi (Barramunda fish); Ganbin (flying-fox); Kumerinji (emu); Inumbergo (male kangaroo); Undallo, (female kangaroo); Wallanja (goanna); Tjuril (turtle); Korondulmi (rainbow); Kunadjerri (white snake); Kului (red-bellied water snake); Tjala or Kunajeraru (cat-fish); Pingan (a bony fish); Tuaiin (a long-nosed fish); Kandaua (moon); Butbutbau or Kirriwuk (a bird, the coucal); Wallano (a yam) Miakka (a yam); Kulbijinman (a large venomous snake) Miyun (wild dog); Biauiak (a small bird); Wiyan (water); Bulliyan (eagle hawk); Mabilli (small wallaby); Kadmanning (a small hawk) Koallimilla (small turtle); Illaluban (carpet snake) Errimembo (a venomous snake); Ledi (grasshopper); five kinds of sugar bag called respectively Quoiyin, from the top of a tree (the equivalent of Mormo in the Kakadu); Gnedbo (a small bag also from high up); Luerga (from the base of ant hills); Eramalgo or Eramergo (from dead limbs); Dielba or Kulmldjin (from the tops of trees).

{p. 195}

In this tribe, as also In the Ngainman, Mudburra, and Billianera tribes,[1] the descent of the class name is in the father's line, that of the totem in the mother's, with the result that the totemic groups are distributed amongst the classes, the same totem group occurring on both sides of the tribe. A man must not marry a woman of his own totem. The following examples of individuals in our camp will serve to illustrate the matter. M. stands for male and f for female.

In addition to the main totem each individual has one or more, usually two, accessory totems. The main one Is that associated with the totemic group into which he is born. The others are given to him when he is initiated. He is first of all, during the initiation ceremonies) told

{p. 197}

his main totem, which is that of his mother, and, at a later period, the accessory totems. If you ask a Waduman native what is his Gwaiyan he will tell you his main one. He does not usually without further questioning mention the accessory ones, the significance of which I could not find out. As an example of these we may take the oldest Uanai man in Table 4. His name was Iblongwa and his main totem was Eramalgo, a sugar bag; his accessory ones are Kandauak (moon) and Tjuril (turtle). His father's main totem was Tjala (cat-fish), with accessory ones Gnedbo and Luerga, two kinds of sugar bag. His mother's main totem was Eramalgo, with accessory ones Kandauak and Tjuril, which happen to be identical with his, though this is not a matter of necessity. As he told us, when he entered his mother, he was Eramalgo; the other two were given to him later when he was initiated. The different way in which a native regards his main and his accessory totems may be seen from the fact that

Iblongwa will not cut Eramalgo out of a tree himself, but will cat it if it be given to him by another man. On the other hand, he will kill and eat Tjuril freely. In the same way, a Quoiyin man will not cut Quoiyin out of a tree himself, but will eat it if it be given to him. The Urella man of the Kulbijinman totem in the first table, whose name was Waljakula, told us that he would not himself kill the snake Kulbijinman, but would eat it if it had been killed by another man and given to him. On the other hand, he has Biauiak (a small bird) as an accessory totem, and this he kills and eats freely.

The different totemic groups perform ceremonies for the increase of the totemic animal or plant. The name of these ceremonies is Tjutju, which is quite distinct from the name Pudaueru, applied to the sacred totemic ceremonies, or from Warangin, the name of the ordinary

{p. 198}

corrobboree. The Tjutju ceremonies are the equivalents of the Intichiuma in the Arunta tribe.

The head man of each totemic group is called Tjungunni. If he dies the next eldest brother succeeds to the post, and so on through the brothers, including amongst these the father's brothers' sons. If there are none of these alive then the eldest son succeeds. That is, for example, if there be three brothers and the eldest dies, the office of Tjungunni does not descend to his son, but to the elder of the two survivors. If both of them die then it reverts to the eldest son of the first named, even if, in years, he be younger than a son of the second brother. Being the son of an elder brother, he is the "elder brother" of all the three brothers' sons, no matter what his actual age may be.

When performing the ceremony of Tjutju the men of the group paint and dance, the others watching them. After the ceremony of any particular totemic group has been performed the men of all other groups go out and gather some of the animal or plant. If, for example, it be Eramalgo, the latter, after being brought into camp, is taken to the Eramalgo Tjungunni, the men saying, Me Eramalgo, "here is Eramalgo." He replies, Ma angui, "give it, I eat." It is handed over to him and he puts it in a pitchi, mixes it with water, eats a little himself, and hands it over to the other men, saying, Nun burri, "I have finished." After this they may all eat it. So, in the same way, a flying-fox man will eat a little of the animal, and hands the rest over to the other men who do not belong to the totemic group.

If a man of any totemic group dies, the animal or plant is tabu to all members of that totemic group until after the performance of a small ceremony called Orkbau. The brother of the dead person brings the totemic animal or

{p. 199}

into camp. During the ceremony the members of the totemic group are painted with red ochre. A fire is made and the Tjungunni man passes the body of the animal or the plant, if, for example, it be a yam, through the smoke arising from the fire, after which it may be eaten. All members of the totemic group must put their heads into the smoke of the fire in which the animal is cooked.

In the Mudburra tribe, whose country adjoins that of the Waduman, the word for totem is Ngalu, and the head man of each group is called Malugurni. The descent of the totem, as in the Waduman tribe, is counted in the female line. The following table of one family in camp will illustrate this:--

The Mudburra natives also perform the Tjutju ceremonies to increase the totemic animal or plant. After securing the latter the men who do not belong to the totemic group bring it up to the head man and hand it to him, the old man saying, Ma, punungalu, "give it, I eat." He takes a little and then hands it back, saying, Aidonok berri, "I have finished."

The Pine Creek or Wulwullam tribe is now decadent, having for many years, like the Warrai tribe, been in contact with the mining population. One of its oldest

{p. 200}

men, who could go back to the early days, told me that the totemic groups were divided between the moieties, and that the totem descended in the father's line. A Kangaroo man married a Barramunda woman, and their children were Kangaroo; a Sugar-bag man married a Rain woman, and their children were Sugar-bag.

Amongst the Melville Islanders the totemic system is somewhat different from that of any tribes on the mainland. The word for totem is Pukui. If you say to a man, Inta ananunga pukui, he will reply, Ingaga, which means white cockatoo, Irrungabi, crocodile, or whatever may be the name of his totem. On the other hand, there is a special name applied to the members of the various totemic groups which is quite distinct from that of the totemic animal or plant. These curious double names are as follows:--

(1)	Crocodile	Irrungabi.
	Crocodile man	Urdungui.
(1)	Mullet	Takaringa.
	Mullet man	Arriwidiwi.
(2)	Turtle	Kirkulani.
	Turtle man	Andjului
(2)	Rain	Pakateringa.
	Rain man	Andjului.
(3)	Wild dog	Teiaminni.
	Wild dog man	Namungarau.
(3)	Wood	Timareringa.
	Wood man	Ukaringui.
	White cockatoo	Ingaga.
	White cockatoo man	Jabijabui.
	Sea bird	Witjerevi.
	Sea bird man	Mitjiwinilla.
	Pandanus	Mierti.
	Pandanus man	Yirikiwi.
	Blood wood tree	Urnalaka.
	Blood wood tree man	Wanningetti.

 

Amongst these totemic groups there are three pairs, indicated by the numbers (1), (2), and (3). These are regarded respectively as being what is called amandinni, that is, mates. Crocodile and mullet are mates; turtle and rain; wild dog and wood. The members of groups

{p. 201}

that are amandinni are supposed to belong to the same "skin," or pukui, and may not intermarry. Any man can marry any woman, provided she does not belong to his pukui.

Alligator and mullet marry cockatoo, blood wood, sea bird, turtle, wild dog, wood, Pandanus, rain.

Wild dog and wood marry crocodile, cockatoo, blood wood, sea bird, turtle, mullet, Pandanus, rain.

Turtle and rain marry crocodile, cockatoo, blood wood, sea bird, wild dog, wood, mullet, Pandanus.

Cockatoo, blood wood, sea bird, and Pandanus have no amandinni and so may marry anyone save a member of their own totemic group.

The descent of the totem is strictly in the mother's line.

There is something very abnormal about the Iwaidja tribe at Port Essington, which is evidently closely allied, in some respects, to the Melville Islanders. As in the latter there are local groups. My information was gained, with the assistance of Mr. R. J. Cooper, from Port Essington natives who knew their own and the Melville Island systems. There are three divisions in the tribe, with totemic groups attached to each. These three divisions again refer to local groups, as do those on Melville Island and also those amongst the Kakadu tribe, to which, in other points, the Iwaidja natives are closely allied. Their names and the totemic groups associated with them are as follows:--

GROUP 1.--Munbulkitj.

Barramunda	Mangauuli.
Barramunda men	Munbulkitj.
Goanna (lizard)	Wallwarra.
Goanna man	Maiyak.
Crocodile	Meirdneiai.
Crocodile man	Munbulkitj.
Mullet	Ngurilliak.
Mullet man	Maiyak.

 

{p. 202}

GROUP 2.--Manjerojelli.

Wild dog	Lang.
Wild dog man	Allaquallurut.
Wood	Allmara.
Wood man	Manjerojelli.

 

GROUP 3.--Manjerowuli.

Jungle fowl	Urgurgi.
Jungle fowl man	Manjerowuli.
Turtle	Manbirri.
Turtle man	Manjerowuli.
Rain	Wailmat.
Rain man	Manjerowuli.
Blood wood tree	Wubuin.
Blood wood tree man	Imma-wubuin.
Shark	Wanba.
Shark man	Manjerowuli.
Sea bird	Odjurn.
Sea bird man	Allakwulwurjuring.
Cockatoo	Allallak.
Cockatoo man	Manjerimaringait.

 

It will be seen that, as in the Melville Island system, the totemic animal or plant has one name, the member of the group another. The Iwaidja word for totem is Wailar.

Members of the Munbulkitj and Manjerojelli groups marry those of Manjerowuli, and vice versâ. It will be noticed that in each case individuals belonging to certain totemic groups carry as their totemic name, if it can be called so, that of one of the local tribal divisions, Munbulkitj, Manjerojelli, or Manjerowuli. For example, Barramunda men are called Munbulkitj, wood men are called Manjerojelli, and turtle men are called Manjerowuli. The natives were quite clear on this point.

The descent of the totem is in the female line. One of our informants was a cockatoo man, his mother was cockatoo and his father crocodile. His mother's brother was also cockatoo, and is married to a crocodile woman. They have a daughter who is crocodile and has been

{p. 203}

promised as wife, by her father, to the first-named cockatoo man. In this case the mother of the man and her brother have the same father but not the same mother. Another of our informants was a cockatoo man, his mother was cockatoo and his father a wood man.

The descent and marriage may be indicated as in the following table:--

The Munbulkitj woman of the crocodile totem is the proper wife of the Manjerowuli man of the cockatoo totem.

It would appear as if very considerable modifications were taking place amongst the northern coastal tribes in regard to their totemic systems, just as, also, in connection with their social organisation. Much the same thing happened on the opposite side of the continent where, in Victoria, a local organisation took the place of the normal class system, and where, also, amongst the most modified tribes, the old totemic system largely disappeared, its former existence being indicated by the persistence of a few, perhaps only one or two, totemic group names. In the Iwaidja tribe, at the present day, the old class system has been replaced by a local organisation, the totemic groups are very unequally

{p. 204}

distributed amongst the local groups, and the totemic group names are evidently disappearing. Munbulkitj has only one totemic name and that is common to two groups, goanna and mullet; Manjerojelli has one, Manjerowuli has three.

It is practically too late to study the totemic systems amongst tribes such as the Larakia, whose members have been for long in contact with settlements. Amongst the Larakia my informant told me that the word for totem was Unga; that originally every individual belonged to a totemic group; that a man of one token could not marry a woman of the same, and that the children took the totemic name of the father.

In the Worgait tribe each individual may apparently be associated with more than one totemic group. My informant told me that he belonged to the frog, shark, and sugar-bag totem groups, and that he had inherited them from his father. The first was his main totem, the other two, as he said, "came afterwards." His mother was water-snake. A man may not marry a woman of the same totemic name as himself. If a stranger comes into a camp he is asked, Ninik kuna koga, "What is your totem?" If, for example, he be a snake (or yam) man, he will reply, Naidja wunga (or wila) koga, that is, "the snake (or yam) totem." Further still, my informant told me that if the stranger was an old man and told him that his totem was frog, he, the younger man, would call him boppa, the same name that he applies to his father. If, on the other hand, he belonged to the water-snake totemic group, he would call him kukka, the same name that he applies to his mother's brother. There is, so far as I could find out, no restriction in regard to eating the totemic animal or plant.

{p. 205}

in the Djauan tribe the totem groups are associated with the sub-classes, the various pairs of the latter that are known as "mates," or kumaranbun, having totem groups in common. Thus Ngaritjban and Pungaringba have pelican, kangaroo, and goanna Pulainba and Palieringba have sugar-bag and lily Waidba and Kamara have plum^[1] and snake (kurk) Kungilla and Wamut have crocodiles (kangi, the larger, and togal, the smaller) and snake (tjural). A man may marry a woman of any totem group provided she belongs to the proper sub-class, and as the totem groups are strictly divided amongst these it follows that a man cannot marry a woman of the same totemic name as himself. The word for totem is lunga and descent is counted in the male line. My informant was a Wamut man of a snake (tjural) totem; he was married to a Pungaringba woman of the goanna totem and his children were Kungilla and snake (tjural).

In the Mungarai tribe the totem groups are associated with the sub-classes, the native term for totem being Namaragua. Each totemic group has a head man called Tjugeanandu. My chief informant, an old man named Wallungwarra, gave me the following list of totemic groups, but it is probable that there are still more; these, however, were all that he, and two other men with him, could recollect:--

Bat (wallalka), black snake (djungwitj), cat-fish (warba), small crocodile (walbian), crow (waiwagmin), euro (kangilauro), goanna (djerkain), hawk (kamannin), kangaroo (gaauwi), lily (godiak), frilled lizard (wadidji), native companion (dagmin), opossum (widjurt), pelican (abaiya), porcupine (mullulberri), waterplant (ngarait), rain (ngaugo), a non-venomous snake (ngabandi), a

All rain	men and women are	ngapalieri.
All paddy melon	" "	nakomara.
All water plant	" "	ngapalieri.
All snake	" "	nakomara.
All goanna	" "	ngangiella.
All turkey	" "	ngabullan.
All cat-fish	" "	ngapungari.
All crocodile	" "	ngangiella.
All frilled lizard	" "	ngaritjbellan.
All small hawk	" "	nakomara.
All native companion	" "	ngopungari.
All poison snake	" "	ngabullan.
All euro	" "	ngabullan.
All brush-tailed wallaby	" "	ngapalieri.
All opossum	" "	tjabijin.
All dingo	" "	tjabijin.
All sugar-bag	" "	ngabullan.
All plain wallaby	" "	ngangiella.
All porcupine	" "	ngaburella.
All bat	" "	ngapalieri.
All lily	" "	tjabijin.
All pelican	" "	tjabijin.
All black snake	" "	ngangiella.
All kangaroo	" "	ngaburella.
All wind	" "	ngaritjbellan.
All rock wallaby	" "	nakomara.

 

A remarkable feature of the totemic system of this tribe is that while, as usual, a man must marry a woman belonging to a totemic group different from his own, the children pass into one which is neither the same as that of their father or mother, but is associated with the subclass to which they belong on the father's side of the

{p. 207}

tribe. The following list indicates a certain number of the marriage arrangements so far as the totem groups are concerned and those Into which the children pass:--