The Book of the Giants

p. 66

(First page) . . . I shall see. Thereupon now S[āhm, the giant] was [very] angry, and laid hands on M[āhawai, the giant], with the intention: I shall . . . and kill [you]. Then . . . the other g[iants . . .

(Second page) . . . do not be afraid, for . . . [Sā]hm, the giant, will want to [kill] you, but I shall not let him . . . I myself shall damage . . . Thereupon Māhawai, the g[iant], . . . was satisfied . . .

D. Middle-Persian

Published Sb.P.A.W., 1934, p. 29.

. . . outside . . . and . . . left . . . . read the dream we have seen. Thereupon Enoch thus . . . . and the trees that came out, those are the Egrēgoroi (‘yr), and the giants that came out of the women. And . . . . . over . . . pulled out . . . over . . .

E. Sogdian

T iii 282. Order of pages uncertain.

(First page) . . . [when] they saw the apostle, . . . before the apostle . . . those demons that were [timid], were very, very glad at seeing the apostle. All of them assembled before him. Also, of those that were tyrants and criminals, they were [worried] and much afraid.F. Middle-Persian

T ii D ii 164. Six fragmentary columns, from the middle of a page. Order of columns uncertain. Instead of A///B///CDEF, it might have been: BCDEFA, or even CDEF///A///B.p. 67

(Col. A) . . . poverty . . . [those who] harassed p. 68

(Col. D) . . . sinners . . . . . is visible, where out of this fire your soul will be prepared (for the transfer) to eternal ruin (?). And as for you, sinful misbegotten sons of the Wrathful Self,G. Sogdian

T ii. Two folios (one only publ. here; the other contains a wyδβ’γ cn pš’qṯ δywtyy "Discourse on the Nephīlīm-demons"). Head-lines: R: pš’n prβ’r V: iv fryštyt δn CC "The four angels with the two hundred [demons . . . ".

p. 69

. . . they took and imprisoned all the helpers that were in the heavens. And the angels themselves descended from the heaven to the earth. And (when) the two hundred demons saw those angels, they were much afraid and worried. They assumed the shape of men EXCERPTS

T ii S 20. Sogdian script.’’γšt š’nš’y cnn ’β[c’n]pδ[yh w]prs = Here begins: Šanšai's p. 70

. . . and what they had seen in the heavens among the gods, and also what they had seen in hell, their native land, and furthermore what they had seen on earth,—all that they began to teach (hendiadys) to the men.Colophon) Completed: (the chapter on) "The Coming of the two hundred Demons".

p. 71

(First page) . . . before . . . they were. And all the . . . L. Coptic

M 35, lines 21-36. Fragment of a treatise entitled ’rdhng wyfr’s = Commentary on (Mani's opus) Ārdahang.p. 72

And the story about the Great Fire: like unto (the way in which) the Fire, with powerful wrath, swallows this world and enjoys it; like unto (the way in which) this fire that is in the body, swallows the exterior fire that is (lit. comes) in fruit and food, and enjoys it. Again, like unto (the story in which) two brothers who found a treasure, and a pursuer lacerated each other, and they died; like unto (the fight in which) Ohya, Lewyātīn ( = Leviathan), and Raphael lacerated each other, and they vanished; like unto (the story in which) a lion cub, a calf in a wood (or: on a meadow), and a fox lacerated each other, [and they vanished, or: died]. Thus [the Great Fire swallows, etc.] both of the fires. . . .O. Arabic, from Middle-Persian ? P. Coptic

Keph., 117^{p. 73} Before the sons of the giants were born who knew not Righteousness and Piety among themselves, thirty-six towns had been prepared and erected, so that the sons of the giants should live in them, they that come to beget . . . . who live a thousand years.

T. Parthian

291^APPENDIX

. . . gifts. A peaceful sovereign [was] King Vištāsp, [in Aryā]n-Waižan p. 74 Wahman and Zarēl . . . . The sovereign's queen, Khudōs,V. Sogdian

(First page) . . . because . . . the House of the Gods, eternal joy, and good . . ? . .Footnotes

p. 52

1 Numerous variants (p. 126, Dobschütz), e.g. de ogiae, de oggie, diogiae, diogine, diogenes, de ozia, de ugia, de ugica, de ogiga, de eugia, de uegia, de eugenia, etc. In Migne's Patrologia Latina the text is in vol. 59, 162-3.

2 See Charles, The Book of Enoch, 2nd ed., 1912. For the Greek fragments (and Georgius S.) the edition by Flemming and Radermacher ( = Fl.-R.) is quoted here. For Mani's use of the Enoch literature see my papers in Sb.P.A.W., 1934, 27-32, and in ZDMG., 90, 2-4.

3 See below A 86-94, and compare G 19-21 with Enoch 67, 4, and G 38 with Enoch 17, 1; 21, 7; 54, 6; 67, 4-13. On chaps. 72 sqq. see Sb.P.A.W., 1934, 32.

4 Namely the Kamsarakan-k‘ (mentioned often in the Armenian history of the fourth century) who claimed descent from the royal house of the Arsacids. This is clear from the Chinese-Manichæan text that preceded the Fragment Pelliot, now printed in the Taishô Tripiṭaka as No. 2141a, vol. 54, p. 1280A, but hitherto untranslated: "He was born in the country of Sulin ( = Babylonia), in the royal abode of B‘uât-tiei ( = Patī-g), by his wife Muân-i̯äm ( = Maryam) of the family of Ki̯əm-sât-g‘i̯ɒn ( = Kamsar(a)gān)." The name Κάρασσα in the Byzantine formula of abjuration (Migne, Patr. Gr., i, 1468) may be corrupted from Kamsar-. Thus there is a grain of truth in the assertion in the K. al-Fihrist, 327, 31, that Mani's mother had belonged to the Arsacid house; ibid., Maryam (ed, marmaryam) is given as one of her names.—It is not proposed to discuss the origin of Mani's father here.

5 I have abandoned my earlier opinion on this point (ZDMG., 90, 4) which was based on insufficient material. The important Sogdian fragment, text H, was not then known to me.

p. 53

1 See BSOS., viii, 583; ZDMG., 90, 4. [Cf. also Bal. girōk, Geiger, No.107.]

2 Cf. also Parthian bgpwhr’n, Sogd. βγpšyt, lit. "sons of God" = angels (also fem. Sogd. βγpwryšt). Thus bgpwhr has a double meaning in Parthian, it being (Sogd. βγpwr) also the translation of Chin. T‘ien-tzŭ, or rather of Skt. devaputra.

3 Herein he differed from the common interpretation of the passage (Nephilim = giants), shared also by the authors of the Book of Enoch.

4 M 41: ’br q’rc’r ’wṯ zmbg ‘stft cy ’whrmyzdbg qyrd ’d dyw’n: dw q’w’n ’wṯ dw nyw’n.

5 This word, in the anti-Manichæan book by Alexander Lycopolitanus, p. 8, 10, ed. Brinkmann, refers neither to the Manich. "First Battle", nor to Mani's Book of the Giants, as Cumont, Rech., i, 3; ii, 160 sq., erroneously states. Cumont goes so far as to say that in the quoted passage Alexander had given a summary of Mani's work, and Benveniste, MO., xxvi, 213, has repeated this statement. In fact, Alexander says that experts in Greek mythology might quote, from p. 54 the Greek poets, the Greek γιγαντομαχία, as a parallel to the Manich. doctrine of the rising by the Hyle against God. In ch. 25 (p. 37, 13 sqq.) Alexander explains that such poetical fables about giants could not be regarded as a satisfactory parallel, because they were myths and meant to be understood as allegories. He then (37, 17) quotes the story of Genesis vi, 2-4, which he provides with an allegorical explanation. But he ascribes it to the History of the Jews without even mentioning the Book of the Giants. This shows conclusively that he had no knowledge of Mani's book.

p. 54

1 Jackson, Researches, 37, 67 sq., has "poisonous mass"; cf. OLZ., 1934, 752.

2 Hence the comparative mzndr (e.g. Mir.Man., i) and the superlative Pahl. mā̆zan-tum (e.g. Dd., p. 118, 12 ed. Anklesaria).

3 Clearly to be derived from Av. mazan- "greatness". Cf. also Jackson, loc. cit., on mzn. Hence, the first part of the name of Māzandarān probably = "gigantic".

4 Thus Dobschütz, Decret. Gelas., p. 305.

5 Dobschütz, loc. cit., who quotes Fabricius, Cod. pseudepigr., 799 sq., and Migne, Dict. des apocr., ii, 649, 1295.

p. 55

1 For example, Men.Khr., 68, 12; 69, 12, ed. Andreas; Pahl. Yasna, 9, 10 (p. 71, 19).

2 Shm, of course, transcribes S’hm, not S’m.

3 MPers. m’hw’y A 7, with suff. m’hwy-c A 19, Sogd. m’h’wy C 15 ( = Wrogdad oγlϊ in B). Hardly = Māhōi (as suggested ZDMG., 90, 4), for the ending -ōi was pronounced -ōi also in the third century (cf. e.g. wyrwd = Wērōi in the inscription of Shapur, line 34). Furthermore, there was no Māhōi among the heroes of the Iranian epos (M. is well known as the name of the governor of Marv at the time of the last Yezdegerd). More likely Māhawai was a non-Iranian name and figured already in the Aramaic edition of the Kawān; it may have been adapted to Persian. Cf. Mḥwy’l, Genesis, iv, 18 ?

4 But see Mir.Man., iii, 858 (b 134 sqq.).

5 The children of the Egrēgoroi share with the inhabitants of Airyana Vaēǰah the distinction of being regarded as the inventors (or first users) of the arts and crafts. For the spelling of Aryān-Vēžan see also Appendix, text U. It is not clear whether Yima (text V) had been given a place in the Sogdian Kawān. Ymyẖ, i.e. Imi, is the correct Sogdian form of the name.

p. 56

1 This system of notation has been used also in my book Sogdica, and in my paper in BSOS., X, pp. 941 sqq. The various interpunction marks are uniformly represented by oo here.

2 But possibly Frg. i should occupy the first place; see below, notes on lines 95-111.

p. 60

1 = far less than he could say. Cf. əž hazār yak, ŠGV., xiv, 2, əž hazāra̢ baewara̢ yak, ibid., xvi, 1. Salemann, Zap. Imp. Ak. Nauk, sér. viii, t. vi, No. 6, 25, quoted Persian az hazār yakī va az bisyār andakī.

2 The texts B and C (Uygur and Sogdian) could be inserted here (or hereabouts).

3 Probably one of the twenty "decarchs" (Enoch 6, 7), viz. No. 4 Kokabiel = Χωχαριήλ in the Greek fragments, and Χωβαβιήλ apud Syncellus.

4 This also could be a "decarch", Arakib- ’Αρακιήλ, or Aramiel- ‘Ραμιήλ.

5 Incomplete name.

6 Cf. Enoch 7, 5.

7 txtg might be appellative, = "a board". This would fit in three of the passages, but hardly in the fourth.

8 Evidently this is the dream that Enoch reads in the fragment M 625c ( = Text D, below), which therefore probably belonged to the Kawān. It should be inserted here.

p. 61

1 Here (or hereabouts) the texts E and F should be entered, both of which deal with the judgment on the fallen angels. Text F approximates to Enoch, ch. 10 (pronouncement of the judgment by God), while Text E is nearer to Enoch, ch. 13 (communication of the judgment the angels by Enoch).

2 = Enoch, 12, 4-5: εἰπὲ τοι̑ς ἐγρηγόροις . . . . οὐκ ἔσται ὑμι̑ν εἰρήνη.

3 = Enoch, 13, 1-2: ὁ δὲ ’Ενώχ . . . ει̑πεν . . . οὐκ ἔσται σοι εἰρήνη κρι̑μα μέγα ἐξη̑λθεν κατὰ σου̑ δη̑σαί σε . . . περί . . . τη̑ς ἀδικίας καὶ τη̑ς ἀμαρτίας κτλ.

4 = Enoch, 14, 6: ἴδητε τὴν ἀπώλειαν τω̑ν υἱω̑ν ὑμω̑ν.

5 = Syncellus, pp. 44-5 Fl.-R. (ad cap. xvi), cf. Genesis, vi, 3. ἀπολου̑νται οἱ ἀγαπητοὶ ὑμω̑ν . . . . ὅτι πα̑σαι αἱ ἡμέραι τη̑ς ζωη̑ς αὐτω̑ν ἀπὸ του̑ νυ̑ν οὐ μὴ ἔσονται πλείω τω̑ν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν ἐτω̑ν.

6 In Jewish Persian trwš is "ram" (Lagarde, Pers. Stud., 73), but in the dialect of Rīšahr nr. Bushire (according to the notes made on this dialect by Andreas about seventy years ago) tîštär is "a young she-goat". See JRAS., 1942, 248. [trwš, Is. 1

7 These lines evidently refer to the promise of peace and plenty that concludes the divine judgment in Enoch, 10. Hence = "each pair of those animals shall have two hundred young"?

8 sārišn: cf. DkM. 487apu.-488, 3, "when they provoke (sārēn-) him he does not get irritated (sār- and better, sārih-)." GrBd. 5, 8, "if you do not provoke, or instigate (sārēn-) a fight" (differently Nyberg, ii, 202). sār-, if from sarəd- (Skt. śardh-), is presumably the transitive to syrydn (from srdhya- according to Bartholomæ), cf. NGGW., 1932, 215, n. 3.

9 Cf. Enoch, 10, 19: ἡ ἄμπελος [sic] ἣν ἂν φυτεύσωσιν ποιήσουσιν πρόχους οἴνου χιλιάδας . . . . ἐλαίας . . . .

10 ty or ty[y] = tai from taih from taiγ (cf. GGA., 1935, 18), is ambiguous: (1) sharp instrument, (2) burning, glow, brightness, sunrays, etc. So also is tyzyy: (1) sharpness, (2) speed. One could also restore ty[gr].

11 Lit. "but the Wing(s) that (is, are) with him." The curious expression was chosen probably on account of the rhythm. For the same reason byc is employed in the place of ’n’y in line 73.

12 Lit. "beats".

13 ‘ystyh- is obviously different from ‘styh- (on which see BSOS., IX, 81), and possibly derived from ‘yst-, cf. z’yh- "to be born" from z’y- "to be born". ‘ystyh- is met with in W.-L., ii, 558, p. 62 Ri 25, "blessed chief who stands (‘ystyhyd ?) as the sign of the Light Gods." Lentz has ‘ystyhnd, but without having seen the manuscript one may presume a misreading (cf. ibid., R i l, Lentz: pd[ . . ]dg, but probably pr[’d]ng, R i 2, Lentz: p.d’r, but probably pyr’r, ibid., R ii 22, Lentz: ’n.z, but probably ’’wn; for further cases see OLZ., 1934, 10).

p. 62

1 St. John, 13, 18.

2 phrystn: phryz- = Parth. prx’štn: prxyz- (cf. Av. pārihaēza-, Sogd. pr-γyž; Parth. ’x’št: MPers. ’xyst) is mostly "to stand around, to be about, versari", sometimes "to stand around for the purpose of looking after someone" = "serve, nurse, protect", often merely "to be". phryz- "to stand off, to abstain" is presumably different (para-haēza-).

3 The series of visions in which Enoch sees the arrangements for the punishment of the fallen angels, etc., and of "the kings and the Mighty" (chaps. xvii sqq.), follows immediately upon the announcement of the divine judgment. Hence, frgg. k-g must be placed after frg. l. Text G (below), which describes, the execution of the divine order, could perhaps be inserted here.

4 It is difficult to decide whether this fragment should be placed at the end or at the beginning of the book. The 400,000 Righteous may have perished when the Egrēgoroi descended to the earth. The "choosing of beautiful women", etc., strongly suggests the misbehaviour of the Egrēgoroi on their arrival upon the earth. The hard labour imposed on the Mesenians and other nations may be due to the insatiable needs of their giant progeny (Enoch, 7, 2 sqq.). On the other hand, "fire, naphtha, and brimstone" are only mentioned as the weapons with which the archangels overcame the Egrēgoroi, after a prolonged and heavy fight (Text G, 38), and the 400,000 Righteous may well have been the innocent non-combatant victims of this battle which may have had a demoralizing effect even upon the electae. To clear up the debris the archangels would naturally commandeer the men. We do not know whether Mani believed Enoch to have been moved out of sight (ἐλήμφθη Enoch, 12, 1) before the Egrēgoroi appeared, or before they were punished.

5 See texts R, and Q (where 4,000 instead of 400,000).

6 See BSOS., X, 398.

7 See text T, line 3.

8 Cf. Enoch, 7, 1 ?

9 On myšn’yg’n see BSOS., X, 945, n. 2, on hwjyg, ibid., 944, n. 7.

p. 63

1 py(y) always = nerves, sinews (not "fat" as in Mir.Man., i, etc., as alternative rendering). It is equivalent to nerfs (Chavannes-Pelliot, Traité Man., 32/3 [528/9]), Uygur singir (T.M., iii, 18/9), Copt. = Sehne (Keph., 96, etc.), Sogd. pδδw’ (unpubl.). Cf. also GrBd., 196, 4, where Goetze, ZII., ii, 70, wrongly has "fat". MPers. pai = NPers. pai = Pashto pala = Sogd. pδδw’ (not Av. piθwā-).

2 Hardly "to". Cf. Cumont, Rech., i, 49, and my paper NGGW., 1932, 224.

3 Or: over the Just God, sun and moon, the (or: his) two flames. The "Just God" is the Messenger (not = bgr’štygr, i.e. Zrwān).

4 Unintelligible. Lit. ". . . two flames given into the (or: his) hand".

5 Cf. Sb.P.A.W., 1934, 27, and BSOS., VIII, 585.

6 Cf. M 171, 32 sqq. ’wṯ ’st ngwš’g ky ’w ’b[w](r)[s] m’nh’g ky hmyw zrgwng ‘štyd ’wš zmg ’wd t’b’n png ny ryzynd. ’w’gwn hwyc hwrw’n ngwš’g pd pzd ’wd wšyd’x pd xw’r ’wṯ dyjw’r, kd dwr ’c wjydg’n ’wṯ kd nzd ’w wjydg’n, hw pd wxybyy frhyft ’wd w’wryft ‘škbyd, etc. "And some Hearers are like unto the juniper which is ever green, and whose leaves are shed neither in summer nor in winter. So also the pious Hearer, in times of persecution and of free exercise (lit. open-mindedness), in good and bad days, under the eyes of the Elect or out of their sight,—he is constant in his charity and faith." Although the word ’brws is incomplete in both passages, its restoration is practically a certainty.

7 Possibly the parable of St. Mark, iv, 3 sqq.

8 BSOS., IX, 86.

p. 64

1 An elaborate version of this parable is found in M 221 R 9-23: u nywš’g ky h’n rw’ng’n ’w wjyydg’n ’’wryyd, ’’wn m’n’g c’wn ‘škwẖ myrd [ky] dwxt ‘y nyq z’d hy, ’wd pd wryhryy ’wd ’gr’yyẖ ’byr hwcyyhr hy. ’wd h’n myrd ‘y ‘škwẖ ’w hwcyhryyẖ ‘y ’wy qnyycg xwyš dwxtr prg’ myyẖ cy ’byr h[wcyhr] [h]y. ’wd ’wy dwxtr ‘y hwcyhr [  ]. ’wš ’w š’ẖ hndyym’n [qwnyẖ] ’wd š’ẖ ’wy qnycg ps[ndyẖ ?] ’wd pd znyy nš’yy. ’wš [ ] pws ’cyyš z’ynd[ ] pwsryn ‘yš ’c ’w[y myrd ‘y ‘š]kwẖ dwxtr z[’d (remainder missing), "The Hearer that brings alms to the Elect, is like unto a poor man to whom a pretty daughter has been born, who is very beautiful with charm and loveliness. That poor man fosters the beauty of that girl, his daughter, for she is very beautiful. And that beautiful daughter, he presents her to the king. The king approves of her, and puts her into his harem. He has [several] sons by her. The sons that were born to that poor man's daughter . . . .". Throughout the story the parabolic optative is in use.

2 For a similar parable see below, lines 258 sqq.

3 zyyg: this word, hitherto unexplained, occurs in the Šābuhragān (M 470 V 14, spelt z‘yg). The sinners, roasting in hell, see the Righteous enjoying the New Paradise, and ask them: . . . ’wm’n . . . z‘yg ’w dst dyy[d ’wd ’]c ‘yn swcyšn bwzy[d] ". . . put a rope (or: life-line) in our hands and rescue us from this conflagration". Cf. Pahl., Pers. zīg, Nyberg, Mazd. Kal., 68.

4 Possibly "weapons".

5 Cf. Kephalaia, 192/3.

6 Cf. āhīd-gar-ān below, F 43/4. For a discussion of āhīd see Zaehner; BSOS., IX, 315 sq. Perhaps one can understand Av. āhiti- as "something that causes shame", hence "stain", etc. In that case Anāhitā could be compared to Apsaras. As regards NPers. χīre, mentioned by Zaehner, this may be connected with Sogd. γyr’k "foolish". The word in DkM., 205

p. 65

1 Cf. supra, lines 206-212.

2 On boγuq see Bang, loc. cit., p. 15, who has: "the door of the closed (locked) sun." Acc. to Enoch, chaps. 72 sqq., there are 180 doors in the east one of which is opened each morning for the sun to pass through (the idea, familiar also from Pahlavi books, is of Babylonian origin).

p. 66

1 Cf. Enoch, 13, 9, ἠ̑λθον πρὸς αὐτούς, καὶ πάντες συνηγμένοι ἐκάθηντο πενθου̑ντες κτλ.

2 Cf. Enoch, 13, 4-6.

3 i.e. the divine order for their punishment (Enoch, 10).

4 [Other fragments of the same manuscript ("T i"), not however belonging to the Kawān, show that there were three columns to a page; hence, the correct order of the columns is: BCDEFA. Perhaps this text, too, is not a fragment of the Kawān.]

p. 67

1 murzīdan is "persecute, harass", not "show pity" as hitherto translated (S 9; Mir.Man., ii; W.-L., ii, 556, r 6).

2 ghwd (Mir.Man., ii), ghwdg’n (Mir.Man., i), ghwyn- (ZII., ix, 183, 27): the derivation of these words from vi + hū by Schaeder, Sb.P.A.W., 1935, 492, n. 3, is based on the translation I had given; this translation, however, was based on nothing but this selfsame etymology.

3 Enoch, 10, 10.

p. 68

1 This passage in particular seems to show that the text is a fragment of the Kawān. There are two groups of sinners here: one is (apparently) to be transferred from a preliminary fire-prison to the permanent hell at the end of the world ( = the Egrēgoroi), the other consists of the κίβδηλοι ( = Giants). The digression on their final fate in the great conflagration, under the eyes of the self-satisfied Righteous (cf. Šābuhragān, M 470 V), is well in keeping with Mani's discursive style.

2 w’y- (different from Parth. w’y- "to lead") = "to fly" or "to hunt" ? Cf. w’ywg "hunter" (BBB., where the translation should be changed), Air. Wb. 1356, 1407.

3 My pupil I. Gershevitch thinks prβ’r should be derived from prβyr-. It is true that "explanation, announcement" fits most passages better than "chariot"! Hence, Mahāyāna rendered as "the great announcement" ?

p. 69

3 Enoch, 17,1: ὅταν θέλωσιν φαίνονται ὡσεὶ ἄνθρωποι. pts’δ, cf. Skt. praticchanda-.

4 viz. the human associates of the demons, esp. the "daughters of men".

5 viz. the giants and their children ? Or merely the children of the giants ? See below, S. to Syncellus (apud Fl.-R., p. 25) there were three generations: (1) the giants, (2) the Nephīlīm, their sons, and (3) the Eliud, their grandsons. In the Book of Enoch the giants are killed, or rather incited to kill each other, before the Egrēgoroi are punished (ch. 10). Their spirits shall roam the world, until the day of judgement, as πνεύματα πονηρά (15,8-16,1).

6 This passage shows that the Sogdian text had been translated from either Middle-Persian or Parthian (MPers. ky myhryzd ’c nwx ’wyš’n r’y wyn’rd bwd, Parthian ky w’d jywndg ’c nwx hwyn wsn’d wyr’št bwd).

7 ’nδyk probably = skill, art, ability (differently, BBB., p. 105).

8 See above, A 97.

9 Fairly cursive, difficult to read.

10 Probably by assimilation from Šamšai ( = Šimšai in Ezra).

p. 70

3 See above, G 28-9, and below, text M. According to Enoch, ch. 8, the fallen angels imparted to mankind unholy arts and undesirable knowledge, e.g. astrology, cosmetics, soothsaying, metallurgy, production of weapons, even the art of writing (ch. 69, 9).

p. 71

2 Presumably the stellar demons.

3 Cf. JRAS. 1942, 232 n. 6.

4 If Mani's famous Ertenk was indeed a picture-book, this Vifrās may well have been the explanatory text published together with it; cf. Polotsky's suggestion, Man. Hom., 18, n. 1, on Mani's εἰκών (but see BBB., pp. 9 sq.). There is no reason for "identifying" the Ertenk with Mani's Evangelion (Schaeder, Gnomon, 9, 347). The fragments of the Vifrās (M 35, M 186, M 205, M 258, M 740, T ii K, T iii D 278) will be published at some other opportunity.

p. 72

1 The point is that A eats or kills B, after B had finished C. A man killed his brother over the treaaure, but was killed by a third party, etc. The Great Fire will devour the bodily fire which had swallowed the "exterior fire". Hence, Ohya killed Leviathan, but was killed by Raphael.

2 St. Wikander, Vayu, i [1941], 166, quotes my article on Enoch, and my paper in ZDMG., 1936, p. 4, and remarks that eigentuemlicherweise I had forgotten Al-Ghaḍanfar's notice on Sām and Narīmān. Less careless readers will find Ghaḍanfar's notice quoted in extenso on the page cited by Wikander.

p. 73

1 See above, A 98.

2 Cf. above. A 105 sqq.

3 Presumably the number of years supposed to have passed from the time of Enoch to the beginning of the reign of Vištāsp. The date for Enoch was probably calculated with the help of the Jewish world-era, or the mundane era of Alexandria (beginning 5493 B.C.), or by counting backwards from the Deluge. Taking 3237 B.C. (but 3251 B.C. according to the Coptic chronology) as the date of the Deluge (see S. H. Taqizadeh, BSOS., X, 122, under c), and adding 669 ( = from Enoch's death to the Deluge according to the Hebrew Genesis), and subtracting the number in our fragment, 3,28[8 ?], from 3,237 + 669 = 3,906, the resulting date, 618 B.C., agrees perfectly with the traditional Zoroastrian date for the beginning of Vištāsp's reign (258 + 30 years before Alexander's conquest of Persia, 330 B.C.; cf. Taqizadeh, ibid., 127 sq.). From this one may infer that the famous date for Zoroaster: "258 years before Alexander" was known to Mani (Nyberg, Rel. Alt. Iran, 32 sqq., thinks it was invented towards the beginning of the fifth century).

4 The name is possibly to be restored in Türk. Man., iii, p. 39, No. 22, R 5, where wy.t’δlp was read by LeCoq.

5 In quoting this text in ZDMG., 90, p. 5, I took wyjn for what it seemed to be, viz. Vēžan. But as the appearance of Bēžan in connection with Vištāspa is incomprehensible, I have now restored [’ry’]n-wyjn, see above, G 26.

p. 74

1 For the spelling, cf. kwdws apud Theodore bar Kōnay.

2 ’mwst = amwast = believer, faithful (not "sad" !), from hmwd-, Arm. havat-.

4 Hardly "food" or "banquet" ? Cf. Parth. ’wxrn, etc. Also Budd. Sogd. ’wγr- (’wγ’r-) Impf. w’γr-, Inf. ’wγ’wrt, etc.) "to abandon" (SCE., 562; Dhuta, 41; P2, 97, 219; P 7, 82; etc., appears to be of no use here.

5 Cf. NPers. ǰehāniyān.

6 Cf. Vd., ii, 20 ? But the Manich. fragment appears to describe the election of Yima to the sovereignty over the world.

7 Cf. BSOS., X, 102, n. 4.

8 šyrn’m is a karmadhāraya, = acclamation(s), cheering, cf. e.g. Rustam frg. (P 13, 5) prw RBkw šyrn’m "with loud cheers"; it should not be confused with the bahuvrīhi šyrn’m’k "well-reputed, famous" (e.g. Reichelt, ii, 68, 9; šyrn’m’y, ibid., 61, 2, cf. BBB., 91, on a 11). But šyrn’m is also "(good) fame", see e.g. V.J., 156, 168, 1139.