SBE 19: Introduction
HAVING been asked by the Editor of 'the Sacred Books of the East' to contribute to the series a volume from the Buddhist literature of China, I undertook, with some distrust, to translate from that language the Phû-yau-king, which is the second version of the Lalita Vistara, known in China, and dated A.D. 308. After some months of rather disappointing work I found the text so corrupt and imperfect, and the style of the composition so inflated, that I gave up my task, having completed the translation of six chapters (kiouen) of the text, out of eight. The editor being still desirous to have one book at least from the Chinese Tripitaka in his collection of translations (and more especially a translation of some Life of Buddha, the date of which could be fixed), kindly renewed his request, and proposed that the Fo-sho-hing-tsan-king, which professed to be a translation of Asvaghosha's Buddhakarita, made by an Indian priest called Dharmaraksha (or Dharmâkshara), about the year 420 A.D., should be substituted for the work first selected. This is the work here translated. The difficulties have been many, and the result can only be regarded as tentative. The text itself, and I have had only one Chinese text to work on, is in many places corrupt, and the style of the composition, especially in the metaphysical portions of it, is abstruse and technical. The original Sanskrit, I am told, differs considerably from the Chinese translation, and except in the restoration of proper names, in which the editor of these books has most readily helped me, the assistance derived from it has been very little. I offer the This term is now well recognised. It is used to denote the Buddhism of Nepal, Thibet, China, Japan, and Mongolia, as distinguished from the Buddhism of Ceylon, Burmah, and Siam. The radical difference between the two schools is this, that Northern Buddhism is the system developed after contact with Northern tribes settled on the Indus, while the Southern school, on the contrary, represents the primitive form of the Buddhist faith as it came (presumably) from the hands of its founder and his immediate successors. We might, without being far wrong, denote the developed school as the Buddhism of the valley of the Indus, whilst the earlier school is the Buddhism of the valley of the Ganges. In China there is a curious mixture of the teaching of both schools. The books of the contemplative sect in Southern China are translations or accommodations from the teaching of men belonging to the South of India, whilst in the North we find the books principally followed are those brought by priests from the countries bordering on the Indus, and therefore representing the developed school of the later complex system. Northern Buddhism, again, may be divided into two, if not three, distinct periods of development, or epochs. The earliest includes in it the period during which the teaching of the immediate followers of Buddha, who brought their books or traditions northward and there disseminated them, generally prevailed; this is called the teaching of the 'little vehicle' (Hinayâna), or 'imperfect means of conveyance' (across the sea of sense). The second period is that during which the expanded form of belief denoted as the 'great
From this it appears that the Mahâsaṅghikas, on their part, claimed to be the original portion of the Buddhist church, and that they regarded the four sects, whose names are given, to be heretical. The same colophon has a further notice respecting this subject. It states that 'There was in former times in Mid-India a wicked king who ruled the world. From him all the Sramanas fled, and the sacred books were scattered far and wide. This wicked king having died, there was a good king who in his turn requested the Sramanas to Come back to their country to receive his protection (nurture). At this time in Pâtaliputra there were 500 priests who wished to decide (matters of faith), but there was no copy of the Vinaya, or teacher who knew the Vinaya, to be found. They therefore sent forthwith to the Getavana Vihâra to copy out the Vinaya in its original character, as There is no life of Buddha in the Southern school. Facts connected with his life are found in the different canonical books, and these being put together give an out-line of his career, though there is no single work devoted to the account of his life. But there are many such works in the Chinese collection of books. Some of them still exist, others have been lost. The earliest of which we have any record was translated by Ku-fa-lan (Gobharana) between A.D. 68 and A.D. 70. It was called the in five chapters. It is lost, but there are quotations from it found in Chinese Buddhist books which indicate its character. In the commentary, for example, of Taou-shih, who edited a life of Buddha by Wong pûh, there is frequent reference to a work, Pen-hing-king, which in all probability is the book under our present consideration. This we gather from a comparison of these quotations with the text of other works that bear a similar title. For instance, there is a book called Fo-pen-hing-tsih-king, which is stated to be a Chinese version of the Abhinishkramana Sûtra, that is sometimes quoted as the Pen-ping-king, but the passages given by Taou-shih are not to be found in this work. Neither are they taken from the Pen-hing-king, written by Paou-Yun, nor are they to be found in the Pen-hing-king by Asvaghosha. We may justly argue therefore that the commentator, Taou-shih, in quoting from the Pen-hing-king, refers to the work translated by Ku-fa-lan, which is Varga 1 (pp. 1-9). 'Exhibiting change.' The scene is laid in Kapilavastu, in the Nyagrodha Vihâra. Surrounded by a vast assembly of disciples, Buddha enquires of Maudgalyâyana, 'Can you for the sake of all living things 2 declare the origin of my career (pen k’i)?' On this Maudgalyâyana, addressing Buddha in the usual orthodox way, asks him to recite the history in virtue of his own inherent spiritual power. On this Buddha declares how he had been born during innumerable kalpas in every character of life for the sake of stemming the tide of lust and covetousness which engulphed the world, and by a life of continual progress through the exercise of the virtues of wisdom, patience, charity, &c. had arrived at the final condition of enlightenment. He then gives the history of his nomination when Dîpaṅkara was Buddha, and of his successive births until finally, after having been born as Vessantara, he occupied the Tushita heaven, and thence descended to be
Varga 5. Leaving his home. The prince without ceasing
in two kiouen; translated by the Sramana Ki-yau, A.D. 196. The next history of Buddha in point of the date of its translation is the This translation was made by the Sramana Dharmaphala in conjunction with Kong-mang-tsiang, about the year 208 A.D. It was brought by Dharmaphala from Kapilavastu, and it is said to be extracted from the Dîrghâgama (the long Âgama), which is undoubtedly a primitive and, as we should say, a canonical work. This translation is in two parts, divided into 15 vargas. Varga 1. Turning the wheel of the law. This section begins with Buddha's interview with Upaka, after he had attained enlightenment, and gives an account of the conversion of the five men. Varga 2. Indicating changes. Contains the history of Yasa, and the conversion of his four friends (Fu-nai, Punya-git; Vimala; Kiu-yen-pih, Gavâmpati; Su-to, Subâhu). Varga 3. The conversion of Kâsyapa. Varga 4. Converts Bimbisâra râga. Varga 5. Conversion of Sâriputra and Maudgalyâyana. Varga 6. returns to his own country. Varga 7. The history of Su-ta (i.e. Sudatta or Anâthapindada). Varga 8. The history of the queen of Udyâna, king of Kausâmbî. She would not comply with the king's wishes, because it was a fast day. Varga 9. Gautamî becomes a Bhikshunî. Varga 10. Inconstancy. Contains the history of Prasenagit's interview with Buddha, and of the minister who had lost his child. Varga 11. Self love. Contains the history of an interview with Prasenagit, and a sermon preached by Buddha on self-love. Varga 12. Conversion of Mahâkâsyapa (Agnidatta). Varga 13. Conversion of Ambapâlî. It will be seen from the above summary, that so early at least as the end of the second century A D. a life of Buddha, with the details above named, was in circulation in Kapilavastu. The next life of Buddha, in point of date, is the second version of the Lalita Vistara, known in China as the There is another life of Buddha named in the Chinese Catalogues, translated A.D. 420 by Buddhabhadra, who was a descendant of Amritodana, the uncle of Buddha. This life is named
and was translated by Pao-yun, a companion of Fa-hien in his travels in India, about A.D. 420. It is in seven chapters, and composed in varying measures or verses of 4, 5 or 7 symbols to the line. We have no means of deter-mining the name of the original work from which Pao-yun translated his book, but it evidently was not the Buddhakarita-kâvya of Asvaghosha. It resembles it in no particular, except that it is in verse. The contents of this work I have already given elsewhere (Abstract of Four Lectures, p. 100); so that there is no need to allude to it here at any length. Nor need I refer, except to name it, to the Chinese version of the Lalita Vistara. This translation was made by the Sramana Divâkara during the Tang dynasty. He was a native of Mid-India, and flourished in China A.D. 676. It is in 12 chapters and 27 sections. The headings of these chapters have been given elsewhere (Catalogue, gyp. 18, 19). The contents of the Chinese version agree in the main with the Tibetan. It is named There is a life of Buddha translated. by an Indian priest of Cophene, about A.D. 445, which is called (II) Săng-kia-lo-c’ha-sho-tsih-fo-hing-king. and was translated by Gñânagupta or Gñânakûta of the Tsui dynasty (circ. A.D. 588). It is said to be the same as the Abhinishkramana Sûtra, but of this there is no positive evidence. It is in 60 kiouen, and embraces Buddha's history from the beginning to the time of the conversion of the Kâsyapas and others. which is, as it appears, a work of the Sammatiya school of Buddhism, corresponding with the Mahâvastu. The phrase
The last version of the Lalita Vistara, known as the (14) Shin-t’ung-yaou-hi-king, has not come under my notice. The most reliable of the lives of Buddha known in China is that translated in the present volume, the Buddhakarita-kâvya. It was no doubt written by the Bodhisattva Asvaghosha, who was the twelfth Buddhist patriarch, and a contemporary of Kanishka 1. Translators in China attribute both this book and the work which I have called the 'Sermons of Asvaghosha' (ta kwang yăn king lun) to him, and there is no reason to question it Kumâragîva, who translated the latter work, was too familiar with Indian subjects to be mistaken in this particular, and Dharmaraksha (we will employ this restoration of his name) was also a native of Mid-India, and deeply versed in Buddhist
It is wonderful to look through the large collection of Buddhist books translated into Chinese from the dialects
The Chinese priest I-tsing says that the hymns used in the Buddhist church during his visit to India were composed and arranged by Asvaghosha (Nan-hae, § 32). There can. be little doubt that he was a musician as well as poet. He travelled about, we are told, with a body of musicians, and was the means of converting many persons of distinction by his skill (Abstract, &c., p. 97). The work before us gives proof of his poetical talent. In translating his verses, even from the Chinese, an impulse to follow in his poetical vein has been felt. But the requirements of a literal translation forbad any such diversion. Nevertheless the reader will observe many passages that would have easily allowed a more 'flowery diction.' The passage in verse 629 and following verses is very touching--the consuming grief of Yasodharâ until 'her breath grew less and sinking thus, she fell upon the dusty ground.' The account of Buddha's enlightenment in verse 1166 and following is also striking: 'Thus did he complete the end of self, as fire goes out for want of grass; thus he had done what he would have men do; he first had found the way of perfect knowledge. He finished thus the first great lesson; entering the great Rishi's house, the darkness disappeared, light burst upon him; perfectly silent and at rest, he reached the last exhaustless source of truth; lustrous with all wisdom the great Rishi sat, perfect in gifts, whilst one convulsive throe shook the wide earth.' There are many passages throughout the poem of great beauty; there is much also that is dry and abstruse, yet we cannot doubt that in that day and among these people the 'great poem' of Asvaghosha must have had considerable popularity. Hence the translations of it are numerous; it must have tested Dharmaraksha's powers to have turned it into Chinese. There is also a Tibetan copy of it; and whether it was originally composed in Sanskrit or not, we know that there are now various editions. of it in that language. I do not pretend to have THE RECTORY, WARK, xi:1 The Dîpavamsa, an early historical record of Buddhism compiled in Ceylon between the beginning of the fourth and the first third of the fifth century A.D. xviii:1 Abstract of Four Lectures, p. 10. xviii:2 This is given in Chinese Ta-sa-ho-kie, which can only be restored to Tasâ. See Childers, sub voce. xix:1 Or, riding on a white elephant. The phrase in the Chinese is ambiguous. There is reason to suppose that the original thought was that the Bodhisattva was riding on an elephant, but was invisible as a spirit. xix:2 Tree and Serpent Worship, plate xci, fig. 4. xx:1 Tree and Serpent Worship, plate xxv, fig. 1, where the three buildings represent the three palaces built for the prince. xx:2 The leaves are bent down in the plate (op. cit.) xxv:1 See Abstract of Four Lectures, p. 52. xxv:2 To show the character of this style of composition we give at the end (Note II) a section from this Sûtra relating to the birth of Bodhisattva. xxvi:1 Spence Hardy, p. 130. xxvii:1 Fa-hien, p. 144. xxx:1 There is no absolute certainty about the date of Kanishka; it may probably be referred to the beginning of the latter half of the first century A.D. (see next page). xxxiii:1 Mr. Rockhill has kindly given me an extract from a Tibetan work, Mañgusrîmûlatantra, in which Asvaghosha is identified with Mâtrigâta or Mâtrigita, concerning whom, see Abstract, &c., p. 141.(1) Fo-pen-hing-king
Bearing as I do a Mahâsattva,
I give up all false, polluting ways,
And both in heart and body rest in purity.'(4) Ta-tseu-sui-ying-pen-k’i-king.
(6) Phû-yau-king.
(7) Kwo-hu-yin-ko-king.
(10) Fang-kwang-tai-kwang-yan-king.
is used in the introductory chapter to denote Sammata, who was 'chosen by all' to be the first king; and
is the Chinese form of Mahâvastu, 'the great (thing).' This memoir is in 2 vols. and 13 kiouen; it is very complete, agreeing in its details with the notices found in the Manual of Buddhism, and in Bigandet's Life of Godama. It was probably in the original a Pâli work.ASVAGHOSHA.
THE FAITHFULNESS OF CHINESE TRANSLATIONS.
NORTHUMBERLAND,
Feb. 4, 1883.
Footnotes
