SBE 2: Introduction to Âpastamba
FOR all students of Sanskrit philology and Indian history Âpastamba's aphorisms on the sacred law of the Aryan Hindus possess a special interest beyond that attaching to other works of the same class. Their discovery enabled Professor Max Müller, forty-seven years ago, to dispose finally of the Brahmanical legend according to which Hindu society was supposed to be governed by the codes of ancient sages, compiled for the express purpose of tying down each individual to his station, and of strictly regulating even the smallest acts of his daily life 1. It enabled
The position of the Dharma-sûtra in the middle of the collection at once raises the presumption that it originally formed an integral portion of the body of Sûtras and that it is not a later addition. Had it been added later, it would either stand at the end of the thirty Prasnas or altogether outside the collection, as is the case with some other treatises attributed to Âpastamba 6. The Hindus are, no doubt, unscrupulous in adding to the works of famous teachers. But such additions, if of considerable extent, are usually not embodied in the works themselves which they are intended to supplement. They are mostly given
A second and no less important argument for the unity of the whole Kalpa-sûtra may be drawn from the cross-references which occur in several Prasnas. In the Dharma-sûtra we find that on various occasions, where the performance
Through a similar repetition of, at least, one Sûtra it is possible to trace the connection of the Dharma-sûtra with the Srauta-sûtra. The rule ritve vâ gâyâm, 'or (he may have conjugal intercourse) with his wife in the proper season', is given, Dh. II, 2, 5, 17, with reference to a householder who teaches the Veda. In the Srauta-sûtra it occurs twice, in the sections on the new and full moon sacrifices III, 17, 8, and again in connection with the Kâturmâsya offerings, VIII, 4, 6, and it refers both times
Who this author really was, is a problem which cannot be solved for the present, and which probably will. always remain unsolved, because we know his family name only. For the form of the word itself shows that the name Âpastamba, just like those of most founders of Vedic schools, e.g. Bhâradvâga, Âsvalâyana, Gautama, is a patronymic. This circumstance is, of course, fatal to all attempts at an identification of the individual who holds so prominent a place among the teachers of the Black Yagur-veda. But we are placed in a somewhat better position with respect to the history of the school which has been named after Âpastamba and of the works ascribed to him. Regarding both, some information has been preserved by tradition, and a little more can be obtained from inscriptions and later works, while some interesting details regarding the time when, and the place where the Sûtras were composed, may be elicited from the latter themselves. The data, obtainable from these sources, it is true, do not enable us to determine with certainty the year when the Âpastambîya school was founded, and when its Sûtras were composed. But they make it possible to ascertain the position of the school and of its Sûtras in Vedic literature,
If we now turn to Âpastamba's own works, we find still
The fact that Âpastamba confined his activity to the composition of Sûtras is highly important for the determination of the period to which he belonged. It clearly shows that in his time the tertiary or Sûtra period of the Yagur-veda had begun. Whether we assume, with Professor Max Müller, that the Sûtra period was one and the same for all the four Vedas, and fix its limits with him
In like manner he protests against the custom of making over childless widows to brothers-in-law or other near relatives in order to obtain sons who are to offer the funeral oblations to the deceased husband's manes, while Baudhâyana has as yet no scruple on the subject 3. Finally, he omits from his list of the marriage-rites the Paisâka vivâha, where the bride is obtained by fraud 4; though it is reluctantly admitted by Baudhâyana and other ancient teachers. There can be no doubt that the law which placed the regular continuance of the funeral oblations above all other considerations, and which allowed, in order to secure this object, even a violation of the sanctity of the marriage-tie and other breaches of the principles of morality, belongs to an older order of ideas than the stricter views of Âpastamba. It is true that, according to Baudhâyana's own statement 5, before his time an ancient sage named Aupagaṅghani, who is also mentioned in the Satapatha-brâhmana, had opposed the old practice of taking substitute's for a legitimate son. It is also very probable that for a long time the opinions of the Brâhmana teachers, who lived in different parts of India and belonged to different schools, may have been divided on this subject. Still it seems very improbable that of two authors who both belong to the same Veda and to the same school, the
The second fact, which bears on the question how the identity of so many Sûtras in the two Dharma-sûtras is to be explained, affords a still stronger proof of Âpastamba's posteriority to Baudhâyana. For on several occasions, it appears, Âpastamba controverts opinions which Baudhâyana holds, or which may be defended with the help of the latter's Sûtras. The clearest case of this kind occurs in the chapter on Inheritance, where the treatment of the eldest son on the division of the estate by the father is discussed. There Âpastamba gives it as his own opinion that the father should make an equal division of his property 'after having gladdened the eldest son by some (choice portion of his) wealth,' i.e. after making him a present which should have some value, but should not be so valuable as to materially affect the equality of the shares 2. Further on he notices the opinions of other teachers on this subject, and states that the practice advocated by some, of allowing the eldest alone to inherit, as well as the custom prevailing in some countries, of allotting to the eldest all the father's gold, or the black cows, or the black iron and grain, is not in accordance with the precepts of the Vedas. In order to prove the latter assertion he quotes a passage of the Taittirîya Samhitâ, in which it is declared that 'Manu divided his wealth among his sons,' and no difference in the treatment of the eldest son is prescribed. He adds that a second passage occurs in the same Veda, which declares that 'they distinguish the eldest son by (a larger portion of) the heritage,' and which thus apparently countenances the partiality for the first-born. But this second passage, he contends, appealing to the
A similar case occurs in the chapter on Studentship 3 where Âpastamba, again appealing to the Mîmâmsists, combats the doctrine that pupils may eat forbidden food, such as honey, meat, and pungent condiments, if it is given to them as leavings by their teacher. Baudhâyana gives no explicit rule on this point, but the wording of his Sûtras is not opposed to the doctrine and practice, to which Âpastamba objects. Baudhâyana says that students
The three points which have been just discussed, viz. the identity of a number of Sûtras in the works of the two authors, the fact that Âpastamba advocates on some points more refined or puritan opinions, and, especially, that he labours to controvert doctrines contained in Baudhâyana's Sûtras, give a powerful support to the traditional statement that he is younger than that teacher. It is, however, difficult to say how great the distance between the two really is. Mahâdeva, as stated above, places between them only Bhâradvâga, the author of a set of Sûtras, which as yet have not been completely recovered. But it seems to me not likely that the latter was his immediate predecessor in the vidyâvamsa or spiritual family to which both belonged. For it cannot be expected that two successive heads of the school should each have composed a Sûtra and thus founded a new branch-school. It is
As regards the priority of Âpastamba to the school of Satyâshâdha Hiranyakesin, there can be no doubt about the correctness of this statement. For either Hiranyakesin himself, or, at least, his immediate successors have appropriated Âpastamba's Dharma-sûtra and have inserted it with slight modifications in their own collection. The alterations consist chiefly in some not very important additions, and in the substitution of more intelligible and more modern expressions for difficult and antiquated words 2. But they do not extend so far as to make the language of the Dharma-sûtra fully agree with that of the other sections of the collection, especially with the Grihya-sûtra. Numerous discrepancies between these two parts are observable. Thus we read in the Hiranyakesi
The results of the above investigation which show that the origin of the Âpastamba school falls in the middle of the Sûtra period of the Black Yagur-veda, and that its Sûtras belong to the later, though not to the latest products of Vedic literature, are fully confirmed by an
The White Yagur-veda, too, is quoted frequently in the Srauta-sûtra and once in the section on Dharma by the title Vâgasaneyaka, while twice its Brâhmana, the Vâgasaneyi-brâhmana, is cited. The longer one of the two passages, taken from the latter work, Dh. I, 4, 12, 3, does, however, not fully agree with the published text of the Mâdhyandina recension. Its wording possesses just sufficient resemblance to allow us to identify the passage which Âpastamba meant, but differs from the Satapatha-brâhmana
Besides these Vedic texts 5, Âpastamba mentions, also, the Aṅgas or auxiliary works, and enumerates six classes, viz. treatises on the ritual of the sacrifices, on grammar, astronomy, etymology, recitation of the Veda, and metrics 6. The number is the same as that which is considered the correct one in our days 7. As the Dharma-sûtra names no less than nine teachers in connection with various topics of the sacred law, and frequently appeals to the opinion of some (eke), it follows that a great many such auxiliary treatises must have existed in Âpastamba's time. The Âkâryas mentioned are Eka, Kanva, Kânva, Kunika, Kutsa, Kautsa, Pushkarasâdi,
Of even greater interest than the names of the teachers are the indications which Âpastamba gives, that he knew two of the philosophical schools which still exist in India, viz. the Pûrvâ or Karma Mîmâmsâ and the Vedânta. As regards the former, he mentions it by its ancient name, Nyâya, which in later times and at present is usually applied to the doctrine of Gautama Akshapâda. In two passages 4 he settles contested points on the authority of those who know the Nyâya, i.e. the Pûrvâ Mîmâmsâ, and
Of non-Vedic works Âpastamba mentions the Purâna. The Dharma-sûtra not only several times quotes passages from 'a Purâna' as authorities for its rules 2, but names in one case the Bhavishyat-purâna as the particular Purâna from which the quotation is taken 3. References to the
These facts prove at all events that Âpastamba took his quotation from a real Purâna, similar to those existing. If it is literal and exact, it shows, also, that the Purânas of his time contained both prose and verse. Further, it is possible. to trace yet another of Âpastamba's quotations from 'a Purâna.' The three Purânas, mentioned above, give, immediately after the passages referred to, enlarged versions of the two verses 2 regarding the sages, who begot offspring and obtained 'burial-grounds,' and
There is yet another point on which Âpastamba shows a remarkable agreement with a theory which is prevalent in later Sanskrit literature. He says (Dh. II, 11, 29, 11-12), 'The knowledge which Sûdras and women possess, is the completion of all study,' and 'they declare that this knowledge is a supplement of the Atharva-veda.' The commentator remarks with reference to these two Sûtras, that 'the knowledge which Sûdras and women possess,' is the knowledge of dancing, acting, music, and other branches of the so-called Arthasâstra, the science of useful arts and of trades, and that the object of the Sûtras is to forbid the study of such matters before the acquisition of sacred learning. His interpretation is, without doubt, correct, as similar sentiments are expressed by other teachers in parallel passages. But, if it is accepted, Âpastamba's remark that 'the knowledge of Sûdras and women is a supplement of the Atharva-veda,' proves that he knew the division of Hindu learning which is taught in Madhusûdana Sarasvatî's Prasthânabheda 2. For Madhusûdana allots to each Veda an Upa-veda or supplementary Veda, and asserts that the Upa-veda of the Atharva-veda is the Arthasâstra. The agreement of Âpastamba with the modern writers on this point, furnishes, I think, an additional argument that he belongs to the later Vedic schoolmen. In addition to this information regarding the relative position of the Âpastambîya school in ancient Sanskrit literature, we possess some further statements as to the
Under the circumstances just mentioned, a casual remark made by Âpastamba, in describing the Srâddhas or funeral oblations, acquires considerable importance. He says (Dh. II, 7, 17, 17) that the custom of pouring water into the hands of Brâhmanas invited to a Srâddha prevails among the northerners, and he indicates thereby that he himself does not belong to the north of India. If this statement is taken together with the above-stated facts, which tend to show that the Âpastambîyas were and are restricted to the south of India, the most probable construction which can be put on it is that Âpastamba declares himself to be a southerner. There is yet another indication to the same effect contained in the Dharma-sûtra. It has been pointed
This discovery has, also, a most important bearing on the question of the antiquity of the school of Âpastamba. It fully confirms the result of the preceding enquiry, viz. that the Âpastambîyas are one of the later Karanas. For the south of India and the nations inhabiting it, such as Kaliṅgas, Dravidas, Andhras, Kolas, and Pândyas, do not play any important part in the ancient Brahmanical traditions and in the earliest history of India, the centre of both of which lies in the north-west or at least north of the Vindhya range. Hitherto it has not been shown that the south and the southern nations are mentioned in any of the Vedic Samhitâs. In the Brâhmanas and in the Sûtras they do occur, though they are named rarely and in a not complimentary manner. Thus the Aitareya-brâhmana gives the names of certain degraded, barbarous tribes, and among them that of the Andhras 2, in whose country, as
There can be no doubt that the south of India has been conquered by the Aryans, and has been brought within the pale of Brahmanical civilisation much later than India north of the Vindhya range. During which century precisely that conquest took place, cannot be determined for the present. But it would seem that it happened a considerable time before the Vedic period came to an end, and it certainly was an accomplished fact, long before the
'Verily, he (Svetaketu) was initiated at the age of twelve years, and when twenty-four years old be had learned all the Vedas; he thought highly of himself and was vain of his learning and arrogant.' There can be no doubt that this is the person and the story referred to in the Dharma-sûtra. For the fact which the Upanishad mentions, that Svetaketu learned all the Vedas in twelve years, while, the Smritis declare forty-eight years to be necessary for the accomplishment of that task, makes Âpastamba's illustration intelligible and appropriate. A good deal more is told in the Khândogya Upanishad about this Svetaketu, who is said to have been the son of Uddâlaka and the grandson of Aruna (âruneya). The same person is also frequently mentioned in the Satapatha-Brâhmana. In one passage of the latter work, which has been translated by Professor Max Müller 1, it is alleged that he was a contemporary of Yâgñavalkya, the promulgator of the White Yagur-veda, and of the learned king Ganaka of Videha, who asked him about the meaning of the Agnihotra sacrifice, Now, as has been shown above, Âpastamba knew and quotes the White Yagur-veda and
As regards the value of the Uggvalâ for the explanation of Âpastamba's text, it certainly belongs to the best commentaries
ix:1 Max Müller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, p. 133 seq. The following letter, addressed to the late W. H. Morley, and published by him in his Digest of Indian Cases, 1850, may be of interest as connected with the first discovery of the Âpastamba-sûtras:-- 9, Park Place, Oxford, July 29, 1849. MY DEAR MORLEY,--I have been looking again at the law literature, in order to write you a note on the sources of Manu. I have treated the subject fully in my introduction to the Veda, where I have given an outline of the different periods of Vaidik literature, and analysed the peculiarities in the style and language of each class of Vaidik works. A hat I consider to be the sources of the Mânava-dharma-sâstra, the so-called Laws of Manu, are the Sûtras. These are works which presuppose the development of the prose literature of the Brâhmanas (like the Aitareya-brâhmana, Taittirtya-brâhmana, &c.) These Brâhmanas, again, presuppose, not only the existence, but the collection and arrangement of the old hymns of the four Samhitâs. The Sûtras are therefore later than both these classes of Vaidik works, but they must be considered as belonging to the Vaidik period of literature, not only on account of their intimate connection with Vaidik subjects, but also because they still exhibit the irregularities of the old Vaidik language. They form indeed the last branch of Vaidik literature; and it will perhaps be possible to fix some of these works chronologically, as they are contemporary with the first spreading of Buddhism in India. Again, in the whole of Vaidik literature there is no work written (like the Mânava-dharma-sâstra) in the regular epic Sloka, and the continuous employment of this metre is a characteristic mark of post-Vaidik writings. One of the principal classes of Sûtras is known by the name of Kalpa-sûtras, xii:2 The Srauta-sûtra, Pr. I-XV, has been edited by Professor R. Garbe in the Bibliotheca Indica, and the remainder is in the press. xii:3 See Professor Max Müller's Translation in S. B. E., vol. xxx. xii:4 The Grihya-sûtra has been edited by Dr. Winternitz, Vienna, 1887. xii:5 On the Sulva-sûtras see G. Thibaut in 'the Pandit,' 1875, p. 292. xii:6 Burnell, loc. cit. xiii:1 Âsvalâyana Grihya-sûtra I, 19, ed. Stenzler. xiv:1 See the details, given by Dr. Wintemitz in his essay, Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell, p. 5 (Denkschr. Wiener Akademie, Bd. 40). xv:1 See Dr. Winternitz, loc. cit xvi:1 Max Müller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit, p. 371. A MS. of the Karanavyûha, with an anonymous commentary, in my possession, has the following passage: xvi:2 Max Müller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 194. These statements occur in the introduction of Mahâdeva's commentary on the Srauta-sûtra of Hiranyakesin (Weber, Hist. Sansk. Lit., p. 110, 2nd ed.) and, in an interpolated: passage of Bhâradvâgâ's Grihya-sûtra (Winternitz, op. cit., p. 8, note i), as well as, with the omission of Bhâradvâgâ's name, in interpolated passages of xvii:2 See also Weber, Ind. Lit., p. 98, 2nd ed. xviii:1 Dharma-sûtra II, 6, x 3, 1-10; II, 10, 27, 4. xix:1 Baudh. Dh. II, 1, 2, 18-23 = Âp. Dh. I, 10, 29, 8-14. xix:2 E.g. Âp. Dh. I, 1, 2, 30; I, 2, 6, 8-9; I, 5, 15, 8 correspond respectively to Baudh. Dh. I, 2, 3, 39-40; I, 2, 3, 38; II, 21 3, 29. xx:1 Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 17 seqq. xx:2 Âp. Dh. II, 5, 13, 1-2, 11. xx:3 Âp. Dh. II, 10, 27, 2-7. xx:4 Âp. Dh. II, 5, 11 and 12. xx:5 Baudh. Dh. II, 21 3, 33. xxi:1 For another case, the rules, referring to the composition for homicide, regarding which Âpastamba holds later views than Baudhâyana, see the Festgruss an R. von Roth, pp. 47-48. xxi:2 Âp. Dh. II, 6, 13, 13, and II, 6, 14, 1 xxii:1 Âp. Dh. II, 6,14, 6-13. xxii:2 Baudh. Dh. II, 2, 3, 2-7. xxii:3 Âp. Dh. I, 1, 4, 5-7. xxiii:1 Cases, in which Âpastamba's Grihya-sûtra appears to refer to, or to controvert, Baudhâyana's Grihya-sûtra, have been collected by Dr. Wintemitz, op. cit., p. 8. Dr. Burnell, Tanjore Catalogue, p. 34, too, considers Baudhâyana to be older than Âpastamba, because his style is so much simpler. With this remark may be compared Dr. Winternitz's very true assertion that Baudhâyana's style resembles sometimes, especially in the discussion of disputed points, that of the Brâhmanas. On the other hand, Dr. R. G. Bhândârkar, Second Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., p. 34, believes Baudhâyana to be later than Âpastamba and Bhâradvâga, because he teaches other developments of sacrificial rites, unknown to the other two Sûtrakâras. This may be true, but it must not be forgotten that every portion of Baudhâyana's Sûtras, which has been subjected to a critical enquiry, has turned out to be much interpolated and enlarged by later hands. xxiv:1 The subjoined pedigree of the Sûtrakâras of the Black Yagur-veda will perhaps make the above remarks and my interpretation of the statements of Mahâdeva and the other authorities mentioned above more intelligible:-- Baudhâyana, Pravakanakartâ, i.e. 1st Sûtrakâra, and founder of Baudhâyana-karana. Bhâradvâga, 2nd Sûtrakâra, and founder of Bhâradvâga-karana. Âpastamba, 3rd Sûtrakâra, and founder of Âpastamba-karana. Satyâshâdha Hiranyakesin, 4th Sûtrakâra, and founder of Hiranyakesi-karana. After the schism of Satyâshâdha Hiranyakesin the pedigree has not been continued, though Mahâdeva asserts that several other Sûtrakâras arose. But to work it out further would be useless. xxiv:2 See Appendix II to Part I of my second edition of Âpastamba's Dharma-sûtra, p. 117 seqq. xxv:1 Compare also Dr. Winternitz's remarks on the dependence of the Grihya-sûtra of the Hiranyakesins on Âpastamba's, op. cit., p. 6 seqq., and the second edition of the Âp. Dh., Part 1, p. xi. xxvi:1 Âp. II, 29, 12. xxvi:2 The Taittirîya Âranyaka exists in three recensions, the Karnâta, Drâvida, and the Ândhra, the first of which has been commented on by Sâyana. xxvii:1 Compare on this point Professor Eggeling's remarks in Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii, p. xxxix seqq. xxvii:2 See the passage from the Karanavyûhabhâshya given below, ver. 10. xxvii:3 Âp. Dh. I, 2, 2. xxvii:4 Âp. Dh. II, 3, 7, 12-17. xxvii:5 Some more are quoted in the Srauta-sûtra, see Professor Garbe in the Gurupûgâkaumudî, p. 33 seqq. xxvii:6 Âp. Dh. II, 4, 8, 10. xxvii:7 See also Max Müller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 111. xxviii:1 p. Dh. I, 6, 19, 3-8; I, 10, 2 8, 1-2; I, 4, 13, 10; I, 6, 18, 2; I, 6, 19, 12; I, 10, 28, 5, 16; I, 10, 29, 12-16. xxviii:2 Max Müller, loc. cit., p. 142. xxviii:3 A Dharma-sûtra, ascribed to this teacher, has been recovered of late, by Mr. Vâman Shâstrî Islâmpurkar. Though it is an ancient work, it does not contain Âpastamba's quotations, see Grundriss d. Indo-Ar. Phil. und Altertumsk, II, 8, 8. xxviii:4 Âp. Dh. II, 4, 8, 13; II, 6, 14, 13. xxix:1 Âp. Dh. I, 1, 14, 8, 9-10. xxix:2 Âp. Dh, I, 6, 19, 13; I, 10, 29, 7. xxix:3 Âp. Dh. II, 9, 24, 6. xxx:1 Aufrecht, Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 400. xxx:2 Max Müller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., pp. 40-42. Weber, Literaturgeschichte, pp. 206-208. Though I fully subscribe to the opinion, held by the most illustrious Sanskritists, that, in general, the existing Purânas are not identical with the works designated by that title in Vedic works, still I cannot believe that they are altogether independent of the latter. Nor can I agree to the assertion that the Purânas known to us, one and all, are not older than the tenth or eleventh century A.D. That is inadmissible, because Bêrûnî (India, I, 131) enumerates them as canonical books. And his frequent quotations from them prove that in 1030 A. D. they did not differ materially from those known to us (see Indian Antiquary, 19, 382 seqq.). Another important fact bearing on this point may be mentioned here, viz. that the poet Bâna, who wrote shortly after 600 A.D., in the Srîhatshakarita, orders his Paurânika to recite the Pavanaprokta-purâna, i.e. the Vâyu-purâna (Harshakarita, p. 61, Calcutta ed.). Dr. Hall, the discoverer of the life of Harsha, read in his copy Yavanaprokta-purâna, a title which, as he remarks, might suggest the idea that Bâna knew the Greek epic poetry. But a comparison of the excellent Ahmadâbâd and Benares Devanâgarî MSS. and of the Kasmîr Sâradâ copies shows that the correct reading is the one given above. The earlier history of the Purânas, which as yet is a mystery, will only be cleared up when a real history of the orthodox Hindu sects, especially of the Sivites and Vishnuites, has been written. It will, then, probably become apparent that the origin of these sects reaches back far beyond the rise of Buddhism and Jainism. It will also be proved xxxi:2 Âp. Dh. II, 9, 23,4-5. xxxii:1 An abbreviated version of the same verses, ascribed to the Paurânikas, occurs in Saṅkarâkârya's Comm. on the Khândogya Up., p. 336 (Bibl. Ind.). xxxii:2 Weber, Ind. Stud. I, 1-24. xxxiii:1 Karanavyûhabhâshya, fol. 15a, 1- 4 seqq.:-- xxxv:1 See Bhâû Dâgî, Journ. Bombay Br. Roy. As. Soc. X, 40. Regarding the Maitrâyanîyas in Gugarât, of whom the Karanavyûha speaks, compare my Report on the Search for Sanskrit MSS., 1879-80, p. 3. xxxvi:1 Colebrooke, Essays, II, p. 264, ver. 24 (Madras ed.). xxxvi:2 See Hultzsch, South Indian Inscriptions, vol. i, p. 31 seqq., and Indian Antiquary, vol. xx, p. 414 seqq. xxxvi:3 Âpastambha may be a mistake for Âpastamba. But the form with the aspirate occurs also in the earlier Pallava grant and in Devapâla's commentary on the Kathaka Grihya-sûtra. xxxvi:4 Ind. Ant. V, 133. xxxvii:1 See Cunningham, Geography, p. 527 seqq.; Burnell, South Ind. Pal., p. 14, note 2. xxxvii:2 Aitareya-brâhmana VII, 18. xxxviii:1 Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, I. 684, 2nd ed. xxxviii:2 Edict II, Epigraphia Indica, vol. ii, pp. 449-450, 466. xxxviii:3 Edict XIII, op. cit., pp. 462-465, 470-472. xxxviii:4 See also Indian Antiquary, Vol. xxiii, p. 246. xxxviii:5 Actes du 6ième Congrès Int. d. Orient., vol. iii, 2, 135 seqq., where, however, the beginning of the Maurya era is placed wrongly in the eighth year of Asoka. xxxix:1 Epigraphia Indica., vol. ii, p. 323 seqq. xxxix:2 See Burgess, Arch. Surv. Reports, West India, vol. iv, pp. 104-114 and vol. v, p. 75 seqq. xxxix:3 Op. cit., vol. v, p. 69 seqq. Its date probably falls between 150-140 B.C. xl:1 The name Âpastamba occurs only in the gana vidâdi, which belongs to Pânini IV, 1, 104, and the text of this gana is certain only for the times of the Kâsikâ, about 690 A.D. The Srauta-sûtra of Âpastamba is mentioned in the nearly contemporaneous commentary of Bhartrihari on the Mahâbhâshya, see Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morg. Ges., vol. xxxvi, p. 654. xli:1 Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., p. 421 seq. xlii:1 This famous Vârttika has been interpreted in various ways; see Max Müller, Hist. Anc. Sansk. Lit., pp. 360-364; Goldstücker, Pânini, pp. 132-140; Weber, xliv:2 See Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morg. Ges., vol. xl, p. 539 seq.; Epigraphia Indica, vol. i, p. 3. xlv:1 Many more may be collected from the other divisions of the body of Sûtras. See Winternitz, op. cit., p. 13 seqq.; Gurupûgâkaumudî, p. 34 seq. xlvi:1 See Deussen, Vedânta, p. 35. xlvi:2 Tantravârttika, pp. 138, 139, 142, 174,175, 179, Benares ed. xlvi:3 Âp. Dh. I, 1, 14, 8, 9-10; II, 6, 14, 10-13; II, 6, 15, I. xlvii:1 Âp. Dh., Introd., p. x. xlvii:2 Âpastambîya Dharma-sûtram, second edition, Part i, Bombay, 1892; Part ii, Bombay, 1894. xlvii:3 It seems not doubtful that Haradatta, the author of the Uggvalâ, is the same person who wrote the Anâkula Vritti on the Âpastambîya Grihya-sûtra, an explanation of the Âpastambîya Grihya-mantras (see Burnell, Ind. Ant. I, 6), and the Mitâksharâ Vritti on the Dharma-sûtra of Gautama. From the occurrence in the latter work of Tamil words, added in explanation of Sanskrit expressions, it follows that Haradatta was a native of the south of India. I am not in a position to decide if our author also wrote the Padamañgarî Vritti on the Kâsikâ of Vâmana and Gayâditya. This is Professor Aufrecht's opinion, Catalogus Catalogorum, p. 715 seq. See also my remarks in the Introd. to the second ed., p. viii.
(Successors of Khândika, number unknown, down to)
(Successors of Baudhâyana down to fellow-pupil of Bhâradvâga, number unknown.)
(Successors of Baudhâyana after the schism down to the present day.)
(Successors of Bhâradvâga down to fellow-pupil of Âpastamba, number unknown.)
(Successors after the schism down to the present day.)
(Successors of Âpastamba down to fellow-pupil of Satyâshâdha Hiranyakesin, number unknown.)
(successors of Âpastamba down to the present day.)
(Successors of Satyâshâdha Hiranyakesin down to the present day.)
