<Let it be known that the day then arrived> 5 when the tenth katun 6 was
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After only fourteen years 6 of chieftainship, permanently the Son 7 shall arrive, Don Antonio Martínez 8 and Saul. These were his names when he departed from heaven. At that time he went to Tzimentan, 9 and when he was at Tzimentan a certain queen said she would marry him. For seven years he was married, when the golden doors of the house of four apartments 10 were opened. <Here>he was shown how, and he equipped 11 a fleet of thirteen ships. Then he began a war with the land of Havana. 12 The King 13 had a friend at Havana, and the King was advised by his friend. The public prosecutor was there with him. Then he went and heard that <the man> was to be seized. Whereupon he departed and went to Tzimentan. It was three months after he was seized that the man who took him departed. Then he arrived at Tzimentan. When <the man> was seized, /
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"Let nine chairs be raised up for us to sit on. 1 The sea shall burn. I shall be raised up." There was fire in his eye. Sand and spray shall be raised aloft. The face of the sun shall be darkened by the great tempest. Whereupon the captain accoutered himself. <Everything> shall be blown to the ground by the wind. In the meantime I sit on my chair; in the meantime the fleet of thirteen ships comes. Then the King 2 accouters himself also. "Prepare yourself, my lord! There come the French." These were his words to me. "We shall be killed by <these> men. For what reason does your strength fail because of your compatriots? Let me go and direct the ship from the middle." My own spirits are raised also. The sea upon which I go burns. The face of the heavens is tilted. But when I came down into his presence, the ship was lost. 3 "What man are you?" he said to me. "I am without compunction. 4 It is I whom you have aided, 5 I am he whom you have caused to live again." 6 <Then he said:> 7 "I shall put my name to the test, it is Martinez. God the Father, God the Son, God the Holy Spirit is my name." <These were his words.> 8Then I brought out the book of seven generations to read. 9 In three months it was finished. Now the town officials went elsewhere. 10 Whereupon he said he would give his town, half of the men <in it>, to me. "Where is your town? It is all my town," <he said>. 11 "You shall pay for my town, I was the first to arrive." 12 Then, I tell you, justice shall descend to the end that Christianity and salvation may arise. Thus shall end the men of the Plumeria flower. 13 Then the rulers of the towns shall be asked for their proofs and titles of ownership, if they know of them. Then they shall come forth from the forests and from
Jesus Christ, the guardian of our souls, shall come. Just as <we are saved> here on earth, so shall he bear our souls to his holy heaven also. You are sons of the true God. Amen.
p. 67 C
120:4 The following combined prophecy and narrative in the Chumayel is immediately joined to and made a part of the chronicle contained in the previous chapter, following the statement that a certain epidemic occurred in the year 1692.
Two parallel versions of the material contained in the present chapter are found in the Tizimin (pp. 14-16) and Mani (pp. 109-116) manuscripts. The fullest account is that of the Mani, but the Tizimin version is probably the oldest, as it retains the Maya forms of a number of words which are translated into Spanish in the Mani and Chumayel. Both the Tizimin and Mani versions contain an explanatory introduction which is completely lacking in the Chumayel.
The Mani version bears the following title: U than hahal ku tu nathob Chilam, which could be translated: The words of the true God which Chilam understood. The introduction states that the other great Maya prophets (see Appendix D) assembled at the house of Chilam Balam, here also called Ah Nacom Balam and indicating that he was the official sacrificial priest (Landa 1928, p. 194). Chilam Balam lay stretched out in a trance in his room, while he received a revelation which seems to have descended from the roof of the house, and which only he understood. Finally all the others threw themselves on their faces, and Chilam Balam is said to have delivered the prophecy contained in this chapter.
In this prophecy we find inserted bodily the story of a certain Antonio Martinez, an adventurer who probably lived long after the Spanish Conquest. His name does not appear in any of the Spanish histories of Yucatan. A portion of the actual prophecy evidently dates from ancient times and is written in very obscure language, while other passages are inspired by events which occurred after the Spanish occupation.
120:5 Supplied from the Tizimin and Mani version of this prophecy.
120:6 In the Tizimin and Mani versions it is called "the first katun." Katun 11 Ahau is usually called the first katun. (Cf. p. 147.) Not only was it the first katun of the Spanish occupation, but it also began with the day 1 Imix which was the first day of the tzol-kin, or tonalamatl. Possibly it is here called the tenth katun because the Eighteenth Century Maya copyist found it recorded immediately after the date 1692. According to several Eighteenth Century Maya writers a Katun 10 Ahau should have ended in 1692, but their deduction is not supported by the historical evidence (Tizimin, p. 1; Mani, p. 135; cf. Seler 1902, pp. 591-592).
121:1 The erotic significance of the Plumeria flower has already been discussed (p. 104, note 15). But that this eroticism was always sinful may be doubted, for it was associated with lawful marriage and with the father and mother of Nohochacyum, the head of the Lacandon Pantheon. Furthermore the corollas of this flower are strung in chains and still used as decorations in churches, a custom which probably dates from ancient times (Standley 1930, p. 384). Consequently it may be inferred that many of its associations were innocent and simply concerned the reproduction of the race. Nevertheless, it may have been associated with Kukulcan because of the introduction of certain erotic religious practises by the Toltecs, and with the coming of the Spaniards on account of the manner in which European soldiers of the Sixteenth Century usually behaved toward the women of a newly conquered population. Maya warriors probably carried off women captives to make slaves and concubines of them, but it is doubtful that they practised violation in warfare. Compare with the prophecy for Katun 7 Ahau, p. 151.
121:2 Maya uu. This refers to an actual lunation, and not to the Maya month of 20 days which was called uinal.
121:3 This name is not Maya. The division made here is in accordance with the Maya texts. Its usual association with the quetzal leads to the conclusion that it is closely connected with Kukulcan and may be another name for the Mexican culture-hero.
121:4 The quetzal, the green bird, Maya kuk yaxum. For yaxum see p. 63, note 6. Kuk usually means a sprout or shoot, hence offspring or descendants (Motul). Here we believe it refers to the quetzal, which is also called kùk in Kekchi and xman k'uk in Chol (Sapper 1927, p. 428). The Maya word for feather is kukum; but it is very possible that the name, Kukul-can, is derived directly from kuk, quetzal, and can, serpent, making it a literal translation of the Nahuatl Quetzalcoatl.
121:5 The translator can make little out of the Maya expression found here in the Chumayel, u may chiiceh. May can mean either hoof or a fine powder, and chiich means forcefully. The variant found in the Mani version of this passage, ah chich is quite intelligible and means "the forceful one."
121:6 Nine Mountains, Maya, Bolonte uitz. One of the Chumayel chronicles (p. 139) gives this place as the origin of one of the groups of people who later settled in Yucatan, probably the Itzá. Cf. p. 64, note 3.
121:7 If some of the most powerful families of Yucatan, like the Xius, were of foreign origin, they would have penances and other religious practises not understood by the ordinary people. Cf. Appendix E.
121:8 The Maya coo can mean either the tooth of an animal or man, or the bill of a bird.
121:9 The various Maya compilers of the Books of Chilam Balam appear to have been uncertain about this passage. The Chumayel text reads ¢u¢ul which means withered or shriveled; the Mani version gives thul which could be translated: "like a rabbit;" while the Tizimin variant is tzutzui which means dove. Among the Mexicans Quetzalcoatl was pictured as having a face not altogether human.
121:10 The Tizimin version is "disgusting is his body."
121:11 Both the Mani and Tizimin versions read: "His heart is pierced by a dart."
121:12 Supplied from the Tizimin version.
121:13 Alternative translation: false and lewd.
122:1 Literally, make way, etc.
122:2 The missionaries caused much suffering by forcibly moving country people from their homes and collecting them in towns to facilitate their conversion to Christianity (Relaciones de Yucatan, II, p. 68).
122:3 Many people fled to the forests to escape from the missionaries and Spanish officials (Cogolludo 1868, Book 10, Chap. 2).
122:4 Maya cim-cehil, when the deer die, i.e. when there is such a severe drought that the water holes in the rocks dry up and the deer die of thirst. Cf. Tizimin version.
122:5 In times of famine, practically always the result of drought, people of the affected area would leave their villages and wander about the country to exchange their personal property for food. We may infer from this passage that when the chief was obliged to do this, the situation was exceptionally serious.
122:6 Maya, oc-na-kuchil. Cf. Brinton 1882, p. 151.
122:7 It is difficult to explain what is meant by this general mortality of wild animals. The text indicates an epidemic.
122:8 Maya ox, Brosimum alicastrum Sw., the ramon or bread-nut, the fruit of which was eaten especially in time of famine. The second kind of bread would be maize, and the third would be the cup (Calopogonium cæruleum Benth., or jícama cimarrona) usually also mentioned in this connection. Cf. p. 103, notes 10 and 11.
122:9 Supplied from the Tizimin and Mani versions.
122:10 Madness and immorality are frequently associated in the Books of Chilam Balam.
122:11 The Spanish word, bula, is employed in the Maya text.
122:12 This may be a reference to the bishop's crozier.
122:13 Mediz Bolio (1930, p. 75, note 147) considers this a reference to votive offerings of wax.
122:14 The Tizimin version reads: "when the eye of justice shall sleep."
122:15 This may be the result of the earthquake mentioned in the following sentence, but Mediz Bolio suggests that a gallows is meant (1930, p. 76).
123:1 Possibly a reference to the money paid for indulgences, which are compared here to the prophecy of the Maya priests.
123:2 Literally: "to give your heads to the Archbishop."
123:3 Written visita in the text. The Tizimin version gives the Maya equivalent: "Ca bin ¢oco¢ u thibah a uichil ex."
123:4 Evidently a reference to some ceremonial act, possibly the sprinkling of some consecrated liquid.
123:5 Alternative translation: declare his divinity.
123:6 Three and a half katuns are mentioned in the Tizimin version and four katuns in the Mani.
123:7 Maya, mehenbil. The Tizimin substitutes the word, almehenil, the nobleman.
123:8 The Spanish historians do not mention this personage. There is an allusion in the prophecy for Katun 1 Ahau (p. 158), which might place him some time during the fifth and sixth decades of the Seventeenth Century. His other name, Saul, is given as Xaul in the Tizimin and Mani versions.
123:9 We are unable to identify this town. Mediz Bolio conjectures that it was some port on the northeastern coast of Yucatan frequented by the Protestant buccaneers, among whom were numbered the members of many strange sects (Mediz Bolio 1930, p. 77).
123:10 Probably a public building, such as the church, as we read that the "town marriages" were performed in the can-kaz-na, as it is called in Maya (Chumayel, p. 159). The idea of golden doors is a purely European conception and may refer to the entrance to the chancel.
123:11 Maya, tuz-zihzah. The Mani and Tizimin versions read likzah which could mean "raised a fleet," etc.
123:12 Probably a piratical raid on the coast of Cuba is meant.
123:13 Our text reads, Rey, while the Tizimin gives its Maya equivalent, ahau.
124:1 Here the Chumayel text is corrupt and the Mani version is followed for this sentence.
124:2 The text gives "Rey," while the Tizimin version reads, "nacom," which means captain. The Mani version reads: "Then the King agrees (cetzicuba) also."
124:3 Corrected from the Tizimin and Mani versions.
124:4 The Mani version reads: "I am an infidel."
124:5 Alternative translation: I, whom you have released. The Tizimin and Mani versions read: "I, whom you have taken."
124:6 In a figurative sense this also means: I am he whom you have baptised.
124:7 Supplied from the Tizimin and Mani versions.
124:8 Supplied from the Mani version.
124:9 Here the Tizimin and Mani versions read: "Then he brought out the book of seven generations for the priests to read." Martinez suggests it was a book of seven folios.
124:10 Alternative translation: Now the town officials surrendered.
124:11 Supplied from the Tizimin and Mani versions.
124:12 The Tizimin and Mani versions read: "It is I, Xaul." Here the story of Antonio Martinez ends, and the prophecy of Chilam Balam is continued.
124:13 Supplied from the Tizimin and Mani versions. Cf. p. 121, note 1
125:1 Here the so-called foxes may refer to the Spanish captains and not to the Maya head-chiefs and warriors. See Appendix F.
125:2 Katun 9 Ahau covered approximately the seventh and eighth decades of the Sixteenth Century. By this time most of the thickly settled portions of the country had been pacified. Many people who had fled to the forests to escape the violence of the Spanish conquerors now returned to their homes again. The Spanish Governor at Merida seriously undertook to reconstruct the social and political organization of the country which had been disrupted by the Conquest. Much of this work was begun during Katun 11 Ahau, but it was probably Katun 9 Ahau before results began to be noted generally.
